Divided, They Sink!

If by the end of next week the opposition parties in Nigeria fail to coalesce and adopt a common candidate for the April general elections, we might as well conclude that none of their candidates can beat Dr. Goodluck Jonathan – free and fair election or no free and fair election. This prediction is couched in my firm belief that at the moment, the so-called opposition parties are in disarray as far as presenting a formidable front in the polls is concerned, and there seems to be no real indication that they could get their act together within the next seven days.

There is a clear desperation as the deadline for presenting names of candidates to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) draws near. It is borne out of the fear that now that Jonathan has secured the PDP ticket, he looks more formidable than he used to be before the primary election two weeks ago and looks set to win the big election in April. It is very clear now that unless the opposition parties come together and back one candidate, pushing Jonathan out would be a very Herculean task indeed.

Quite a number of discussions are taking place towards this end, but they don’t seem to be ending in any satisfactory result. Yesterday, the papers were awash with the story of a “secret” meeting between Malam Nuhu Ribadu of the ACN and Gen. Muhammadu Buhari of the CPC in the latter’s house in Kaduna. The meeting was held ostensibly to map out a strategy to snatch power from President Jonathan. The idea is in tandem with the ongoing moves to ensure that a northerner becomes president in the new dispensation.

But will that kite fly? Your guess is as good as mine. The opposition figures in the country are self-serving by nature. Each wants to be the one to reach the top, hence his inability to make a compromise in a power-sharing deal. Their meetings end in a cul-de-sac because each enters the meeting with a I-come-to-beg-you-to-leave-it-to-me agenda.

The reason for this is not far-fetched. Opposition politics in Nigeria is not what it used to be. There is a complete absence of ideology in the parties, which makes them to look the same except in name. In contrast, the strong parties of the good old days of the First Republic, such as the NCNC, NEPU, UMBC, and AG, as well as the UPN, NPP, GNPP, and PRP in the Second Republic were based on identifiable ideologies. The personalities leading or populating these parties were men and women that were consistent in their beliefs, not because they thought their beliefs would bring wealth or glory to them but because they felt without equivocation that, that was the best way to arrange the society and build the nation.

According to Wikipedia, political ideologies have two dimensions: 1. Goals: How society should function or be organized, and 2. Methods: The most appropriate way to achieve this goal. That is why in the United States of America, you are either Democratic or Republican; in Great Britain, you are either Labour or Conservative. In between these lie just a few alternatives, which are invariably incapable of rocking the boat too hard because the two major camps tend to be adequate for the diverse opinions people hold.

Mark you, political ideology is like religion: people don’t just quit for cheap porridge. People come together because they believe in a set of ideas, which is the driving force behind their political action and manifesto. They don’t gather in order to eat what is available on the dining table or share whatever they can get for their pockets.

Today, the story is different. You have a colony of drifters and quitters wearing the badge of politics. No matter how well-fed they look, they are just hungry, and it is their hunger (usually for power and money) rather than ideology which drives their actions. Little surprise, then, that you find politicians who had made a name as members of a political party suddenly drifting to another party, including one they had spent most of their political life castigating. The word for this is decamping, and many politicians in our country do it with pride and gusto while pretending to be victims of a “witch-hunt.” Examples are legion. Alhaji Atiku Abubakar was elected as a governor under PDP in 1999 but when the game between him and Obasanjo soured, he founded AC, which won the election in Lagos State. Today, he is back in PDP, a party he wanted to see destroyed, and had sought to become its presidential candidate. Alhaji Aminu Bello Masari, a top-notch member of the PDP, was a ranking member of the House of Representatives for many years. Today, he is a gubernatorial aspirant under CPC in Katsina State. Dora Akunyili was also a PDP member and had served as minister of information and communication under two presidents; today, she is a senatorial candidate under APGA in Anambra State. Dr. Abba Sayyadi Ruma, hitherto a leading member of the PDP, under which he served as commissioner and SSG in Katsina State and later minister of agriculture, is now seeking the governorship seat under CPC. Senator Adamu Aliero, another PDP stalwart, is now contesting under CPC. Malam Nuhu Ribadu, a senior official of the PDP government of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, is now the presidential candidate of ACN. Alhaji Attahiru Dalhatu Bafarawa became governor under ANPP, decamped to DPP which he founded in order to run for president in 2007, and is now a ranking member of the ACN, under which he sought to contest the presidency. The list is almost endless.

These people and others like them are now giving the impression that they are martyrs who have just found their heavens. It is believed, however, that they decamped only because their chances had been blocked in their former parties and would return as soon as they have captured power or found no succour in their new parties. After all, party politics is no religion. They don’t even recognise the word ‘ideology’. This is why they drift from one party to another without blinking an eye, like bees looking for flower from which to suck pollen. This is also exactly why it is difficult to forge an alliance capable of defeating an incumbent president in this country. We will see if the leopard can change its spots in the next one week or so.

---
Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND today

Wai wannan shi ne zabe?

BABU shakka, duk wanda ya kalli yadda aka aiwatar da za~en fidda gwani na takarar zama shugaban a jam’iyyar PDP zai ce lallai an yi za~en bisa adalci. Dalili, tun da farko sai da aka tantance dalaget-dalaget ]in da su ka zo domin yin za~en, aka ba su takardu, duk a gaban wakilan ’yan takarar guda uku, wato Shugaban {asa Goodluck Jonathan da tsohon mataimakin shugaban }asa Alhaji Atiku Abubakar da kuma Madam Sarah Jibril; na biyu, a bainar jama’a aka ri}a jefa }uri’a, kuma a cikin akwatin roba wanda kowa na iya ganin abin da ke cikin shi; ita ma }idayar }uri’un a bayyane aka yi ta; sannan a gaban wakilan ’yan takarar aka yi komai, har ma su na da damar tofa albarkacin bakin su idan su ka so yin hakan. Su kan su ’yan takarar, an gayyace su zuwa taron za~en fidda gwanin da aka yi a dandalin Eagle Square, Abuja, inda su ka fa]a wa duniya aikin da za su yi wa jama’a idan an za~e su. Bugu da }ari, an watsa dukkan sha’anonin taron kai-tsaye ta hanyar tashoshin talabijin na NTA da AIT, wa]anda ana kama su a ko’ina a duniya. Hakika, da wuya ka kalli wannan tsari ka ce abin bai burge ka ba.

To amma abin tambaya shi ne: da gaske ne an yi za~en ba tare da magu]i ba? Shin da gaske ne Shugaba Jonathan ya lashe za~en ba wata tantama, kwatankwacin yadda Cif Mashood Abiola ya lashe babban za~en da aka yi a 1993?

In aka ce za~e babu mur]iya, to dole ne ya kasance iyayen jam’iyya ko jami’an gwamnati ba su gitta wa shi mai jefa }uri’a wasu matsaloli ko wasu }ayoyi a kan hanya ba. Misali, ba su yi masa wata barazana ko tilastawa ko wata musgunawa a bayyane ko a kaikaice ba. Tilas ne mai ka]a }uri’a ya zama mai cikakken ’yanci, mai yanke hukunci kan wanda zai za~a bisa dogaro da hujjojin da ya gani na irin aikin ciyar da }asa gaba da ]an takara ya zayyana a kundin }udirin sa. Tilas ne ya kasance }wa}walwar sa ta ba shi cikakkiyar amincewa da cewa lallai wannan ]an takarar zai yi wa jama’a aiki ba tare da son rai ba. Kada ya zamana an takura masa ko an ja ra’ayin sa da wata kyautar ku]i, ko al}awarin samun wani abin duniya ko kuma barazanar wani abu zai same shi idan bai bi sahun da ake so ya bi ba.

Idan mu ka yi amfani da wa]annan bayanai da ke sama a kan abin da ya wakana daga ranar Alhamis zuwa asubahin Juma’a na makon jiya a dandalin Eagle Square, to babu shakka dariya za mu yi kan i}irarin da iyayen PDP ke yi na cewa wai sun gudanar da za~en fidda gwanin ba tare da mur]iya ba. Da farko, idan mun duba da kyau, za mu ga cewa ai tun ma kafin ranar za~en ta zo ne aka shirya wa Jonathan samun nasara, wato tun ma kafin dalaget su zo Abuja, sannan wa]anda su ka yi wannan }ullin ba wasu ba ne illa gwamnonin jihohi wa]anda ke ganin cewa duk abinda su ka zartar shi ne ya dace da al’ummar jihohin su. A wannan za~en fidda gwanin, dalaget ba su da bambanci da tumakai, kuma gwamnoni ne makiyayan su. Kawai gwamna ya ba su umurnin ga wanda za su za~a idan an je Abuja, ko da kuwa su a ran su ba shi su ke so ba.

A wurin yanke wannan shawarar ne aka yi duk wani sa-toka-sa-katsi. A nan aka nuna masu cewa duk wanda ya yi biyayya ga umurni, zai samu kyakkyawar sakayya, yayin da shi kuma wanda ya bi son ran sa, za a kalle shi a matsayin maci-amana, sannan zai ji a jikin sa. A }asa irin tamu inda fatara ta yi katutu, jama’a na bin duk inda su ka ga ya fi mai}o ne, shi ya sa babu wata wahala wajen samun masu biyayya fiye da ‘maciya-mana’. Wannan ne ya sa gwamnoni, wa]anda su ne wu}a da nama a wurin watandar ku]a]en jihohin su, su ke kasancewa uwa da makar~iya a duk wani za~e da za a yi a Nijeriya. Idan kun tuna, tsohon gwamna Donald Duke ya ta~a ba mu labarin duk yadda hakan ke faruwa, a wata hira da jaridar The Guardian ta yi da shi a bara.

Ko a kwanan nan sai da ]aya daga cikin jigajigan PDP, wato Cif Tony Anenih, wanda ya yi }aurin suna wajen shirya duk wata dabara ko ma}ar}ashiya ta samun galaba a jam’iyyar, ya sha wa ’ya’yan jam’iyyar alwashi a wurin babban taron jam’iyyar a Birnin Benin cewa duk wani dalaget da ya yi gigin za~en Atiku, to za a gano shi a hukunta shi. Abin mamaki, babu wanda ya nuna damuwa kan wannan muhimmiyar barazanar daga mutumin da aka san cewa in ya ce zai yi abu, to fa sai ya yi ]in; hatta su kan su ’yan ~angaren Atiku ba su ce komai ba.

Wata hanyar dabara da mashirya za~en fidda gwanin su ka bi don bai wa Jonathan nasara kuma ita ce yadda su ka rarraba masu za~e jiha-jiha. Ga wanda bai gane ba sai ya yi zaton an yi haka ne don a samu sau}in tantance masu za~e da kuma wajen }irga }uri’un da aka ka]a. To amma gaskiyar maganar ita ce an yi wannan shirin ne don masu za~e su ji a ran su cewa idan ba su za~i wanda gwamnan su ya ce su za~a ba, to ana ganin su, kuma za a iya gano su. Shi ya sa yanzu za ka iya gane jihar da “ta fi son” Jonathan da kuma wadda “ta ci amanar shi”. Akwai alamun cewa zufa ta karyo wa Gwamna Isa Yuguda a lokacin da ake }irga }uri’un Jihar Bauchi; dalili shi ne kowa ya san cewa Yuguda ]an ga-ni-kashe-nin shugaban }asa ne, to kuma sai ga shi dalaget ]in jihar sa sun ba Atiku har }uri’u 44. Duk da yake Jonathan ne ya yi kaye da }uri’u 2 kacal, mutane da dama sun fara tambaya kan anya wannan gwamnan ya na da cikakken iko kan dalaget ]in sa da kuma idan ya na ba shugaban }asa cikakken goyon baya? Irin wannan karkasa masu za~en jiha-jiha ya ba Jonathan kyakkyawar dama ta hanayar tilasta masu su daidaita sahun su da nasa. Da gaske, ba sai mun kira hakan da sunan magu]in za~e }arara ba domin inda aka yi magu]in shi ne tun wajen shirya tsarin za~en.

Magana ta gaba ita ce batun ku]i. Mun ga yadda kafafen ya]a labarai su ka dinga samun ku]in shiga ta hanyar tallace-tallacen da ’yan takarar su ka ri}a sakawa kafin a yi za~en. To amma wasu wa]anda su ka ca~a su ne dalaget. Ni ]in nan na zanta da wasu daga cikin dalaget ]in da su ka zo za~en, kuma sun fa]a mani cewa lallai an raba masu ma}udan ku]a]e. Tun a jihohin su an bi su an ba su kyautar ku]i iri-iri. Sannan gwamnoni ne su ka ]auki nauyin tafiyar su, da ba su wurin kwana da ku]in abinci. An yi masu hu]uba mai yawa kan abin da za su yi a Abuja, da kuma abin da ba a yarda su yi ba. Wanin su ya ce mani, “Abin yadda ka san aikin soja. Za a ba ka umarni, sannan ba a yarda ka yi wani abu na kankin kan ka ba.” Wani dalaget ya bayyana mani cewa da su ka zo Abuja, sai ga kyautar ku]in da Atiku ya aiko ta na jiran su - wato dalar Amurka, wuri na gugar wuri har dala 3,000 ga kowane dalaget ]aya, to amma kuma sai wannan ku]i su ka zama kamar wasan yara a lokacin da kyautar da Jonathan ya aiko ta zo - ita kuma dala 7,000 ga kowane dalaget. Idan kai mai wayo ne, sai ka kar~i duka biyun, ka ga ka tashi da dala 10,000 kenan - kuma kusan kowa hakan ya yi. Duk da haka, na fahimci cewa ba wannan ku]in ba ne su ka ja akalar dalaget ]in a }arshen }arshe, a’a, umurnin gwamna ne. Dalaget }alilan ne su ka bau]e, ba su bi umarni ba.

Abin tambaya shi ne: don me gwamnonin su ka mara wa Jonathan baya a wannan za~en? Shin su ba sun ci nasu za~en fidda gwanin ba? E, sun ci, to amma sun san da cewa har yanzu da sauran rina a kaba, wato kujerar su ba ta gama zama daidai ba. Har yanzu Jonathan ya na da iko kan su. Idan har ba su haye sira]in za~en da za a yi a Afrilu ba, to da saura baya - wai an yi fiton mai gwaiwa. Don haka, yawancin su su na ganin gwamma su bi a sannu ta hanyar bin umurnin jam’iyya da na fadar shugaban }asa da kuma na ’yan koren Jonathan. Shi ya sa ba abin mamaki ba ne ganin yadda Jonathan ya doke Atiku a Jihar Abiya inda ya samu }uri’a 80 shi kuma Atiku 1 kacal, ya samu 141 a Akwa Ibom yayin da Atiku bai samu ko ]aya ba; ya samu }uri’a 67 a jihar sa ta Bayelsa yayin da Atiku bai samu ko ]aya ba; ya samu 105 a Kuros Riba yayin da Atiku bai ci ko ]aya ba, kuma ya samu 128 a Ribas yayin da Atiku ya samu 2 kacal.

To, ko an }i ko an so, yanzu ne ya}in ya fara zafi. Ko waye ya shirya za~en fidda gwani na makon jiya, ya yi ne don ya ba Jonathan nasara a babban za~en da za a yi nan da wata biyu. “Da haka mu ka fara” - kuturu ya ga mai }yasfi. Mu dai mun zura na-mujiya mu ga yadda kokowar za ta kaya, musamman yadda Atiku zai yi }o}arin yin ramuwa kan wannan babban kaye da aka yi masa duk da tunatarwar da ya yi wa dalaget.

----
An buga wannan sharhin a LEADERSHIP HAUSA, a yau Jumma'a

Hattara da ramuka a gaba!

A jiya Alhamis ne ]imbin ’ya’yan jam’iyyar PDP, musamman dalaget, su ka yi kwamba a Abuja domin gudanar da za~en fitar da gwani wanda zai yi takarar zama shugaban }asa a }ar}ashin inuwar jam’iyyar su. Tun kafin ranar, dalaget da sauran membobin PDP ]in su ka dinga antayowa zuwa cikin babban birnin na tarayya, ta yadda ko ya zuwa ran Talata da wuya mutum ya samu ]aki a dukkan otal-otal na garin. Su ma wuraren cin abinci sun cika ma}il da ba}in.

In ba domin batun ya shafi PDP ba ne, to da wata}ila sai mu zuba na mujiya kurum, mu yi kallon bada}alar da ake yi. To amma PDP ta na kurarin cewa ita ce jam’iyyar siyasa da ta fi kowace girma a nahiyar Afrika. Haka kuma ita ce jam’iyyar da ke mulki a Nijeriya. Ta haifar da shugabannin }asar har guda uku daga lokacin da aka fara Jamhuriya ta Hu]u, domin kuwa ita ce aka ce ta lashe za~u~~ukan shugaban }asa da aka yi a cikin 1999 da 2003 da kuma 2007. Sannan ita ce ke da rinjaye a yawancin jihohin tarayyar }asar nan, da kuma Majalisar Tarayya. {ungiyar Gwamnonin Nijeriya yawanci membobin PDP ne su ka cika ta, kuma ta na daga cikin }ungiyoyi masu fa]a a ji a }asar nan. Bugu da }ari, duk wasu tsare-tsare na mulkin }asa wa]anda PDP ta fito da su kuma ta ke aiwatarwa, wa]anda aka ]ibiya a kan ]imbin ku]a]en shiga da ke zuwa daga safarar man fetur, su na shafar rayuwar jama’ar }asar nan. Saboda haka, ko an }i ko an so, za~en wanda zai tsaya takarar zama shugaban }asa na jam’iyyar ya na da matu}ar tasiri a rayuwar ’yan Nijeriya, ya Allah tasirin nan mai kyau ne ko akasin haka. Don haka, tilas ne mu damu kan wannan lamari, domin duk shukar da za a yi a wannan gangami zai iya shafar rayuwar mu kusan ta kowane ~angare.

Kamar yadda kowa ya sani ne, wannan ne karo na farko da shugaba mai ci yanzu, wato Dakta Goodluck Jonathan, ya ke takarar wani mu}ami da sunan sa. A da, shi sifiya-taya ne kurum - inda a Jihar Bayelsa ya yi mataimakin gwamna, sannan a 2007 ya zama mataimakin shugaban }asa. A yanzu ne ya ke gwajin farin jinin sa a karo na farko. Idan har ya na so ya zama za~a~~en shugaban }asa, to, na farko sai ya tsallake sira]in za~en da aka taru a yi a jiya, 13 ga Janairu. Idan ya ci, sai kuma shallake sira]i na biyu: wato kada abokan hamayyar sa wa]anda sauran jam’iyyu za su tsayar. Duk wa]annan sira]an, ba wasan yara ba ne. Aiki ne wurjanjan. Ko a kogin farko da ya ke }o}arin hayewa yanzu, akwai maridan kadoji a ciki; Jonathan ya na bugawa ne a za~en fidda gwani mafi tsauri a takarar zama shugaban }asa da aka ta~a yi a tarihin siyasar Nijeriya.

Hakan na faruwa ne saboda abin da masu nazarin al’amuran yau da kullum su ke kallo a matsayin da~a wa ciki wu}a da PDP ta yi: wato yarjejeniyar kar~a-kar~ar shugabancin }asa tsakanin arewa da kudu da ta rattaba hannu a kai. Jonathan ya ]are kujerar shugaban }asa ne ta hanyar sa’a kurum lokacin da maigidan sa, Shugaba Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, ya kwanta dama. A yarjejeniyar da aka yi, kamata ya yi shugaban }asa da zai maye gurbin Yar’Adua ya fito daga arewa domin kuwa shi Yar’Adua bai kammala wa’adin da ya kamata yankin ya yi ba. To amma shi Jonathan da magoya bayan sa, sun za~i su yi fatali da wannan yarjejeniyar. Su kuwa manyan ’yan takarar PDP daga arewa, sai su ka janye, su ka goyi bayan tsohon mataimakin shugaban }asa, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar (Turakin Adamawa), sakamakon yarjejeniyar fidda ]an takara }waya ]aya na arewa a jam’iyyar da aka yi, kuma akwai yiwuwar shi za su ci gaba da goyon baya a wannan za~en fidda gwanin da kuma bayan za~en.

A yayin da ake cikin haka, sai ~angarorin biyu su ka shiga ya}in watsa wa juna }asa a ido. A kullum sai ka ga wanin su ya na yi wa ]an’uwan sa ~atanci a jarida, da zargi iri-iri na cin hanci da rashawa da kuma ambaton wasu kalamai maras da]i da wani daga cikin su ya ta~a yi a baya. Manufa ita ce a nuna cewa wane bai dace da zama shugaba ba. [aya daga cikin wannan zargin na kwana kwanan nan shi ne inda aka ruwaito Atiku ya na ragargazar jam’iyyar ta PDP, aka ce wai ya yi kalamin ne a cikin watan Nuwamba na shekarar 2006.

Shin Atiku bai da hurumin yin irin wannan maganar a WANCAN lokacin, wanda kowa ya san cewa da gaske ne PDP jam’iyya ce inda ba a bin doka da oda? Kalamin da aka ce Atikun ya yi, wai ya yi shi ne a sashen Hausa na Muryar Amurka inda ya ce PDP “ba ta da }a’ida; ba ta bin doka da oda da kuma shugabannin ta.” Amma idan mun duba da kyau, za mu ga cewa duk abin nan da Atiku ya fa]a game da PDP a wancan lokacin, gaskiya ne. Akwai ma mutanen da su ka fa]i abin da ya fi haka. Shahararren marubucin nan, Farfesa Wole Soyinka, ya bayyana jam’iyyar PDP da cewa she}ar ba}a}en macizai ce kawai.

An shafe shekaru PDP ta na cikin rigingimu, ba don kurum ’ya’yan ta sun ]auke ta a matsayin hanya mafi gajarta wajen ku]ancewa a dare ]aya ba, a’a har ma da yadda babu tsarin dimokira]iyya a cikin ta. A PDP, ana cusa wa masu za~e ]an takara, a ce shi ake so a za~a ko da kuwa jama’a ba su son shi, kuma lallai ne duk wanda aka tsayar sai ka ji shi ne ya lashe za~en. Sakamakon haka, a yayin da ake ta kiraye-kirayen cewa ya kamata a kimtsa jam’iyyar, sai ’ya’yan ta da yawa su ka dinga sauya she}a. Kuma jam’iyyar ta fa]i a sababbin za~u~~uka da aka yi a wasu jihohin. A yau ma da hukumar za~e ta ke ta yayata cewa za ta gudanar da za~e fisabilillahi, ai ga shi nan ’yan PDP da dama sun yi hijira zuwa wasu jam’iyyun, inda su ka tsaya takara. Alamun cewa an fara dawowa daga rakiyar jam’iyyar ta bayyana }arara a za~u~~ukan fidda gwani na takarar zuwa Majalisar Tarayya da aka gudanar a }arshen makon jiya, inda sanatoci da ’yan Majalisar Wakilai da dama su ka sha kaye a hannun abokan adawar su. To, kallo ma bai }are ba har sai an zo za~e tsakanin jam’iyya da jam’iyya; a nan ne idon wasu ’yan takara - ciki kuwa har da gwamnoni - zai raina fata. Sai ga shi a yau PDP ta shiga gargada, duk da cika-bakin da shugaban ta na }asa na lokacin, wato Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, ya ta~a na cewa sai sun yi mulki har na tsawon shekara 60 ba tsinkewa; yanzu akwai alamun za ta fa]i ba nauyi.

Wannan za~en fidda gwanin da ’yan PDP ke yi a Abuja zai iya haifar da alheri ko sharri ga jam’iyyar, har abin ya shafi }asa baki ]aya. Akwai ]ar ]ar ]in da ake yi na abin da zai iya wakana idan har Jonathan ya fa]i a za~en ko idan Atiku ne ya fa]i. Tambayar da ake yi ita ce, shin idan shugaban }asar ya sha }asa, zai koma koyarwar sa a makaranta ne ko kuwa zai samu wata mafaka ne inda zai ri}a cin duniyar sa da tsinke? Ma’ana, zai yarda ya sauka daga karagar mulki kuwa kamar yadda ya ta~a al}awartawa? Ko kuwa zai yi irin na Shugaba Laurent Gbagbo na }asar Cote d’Ivoire ne, ya ce atafau ba zai sauka ba? Sa’annan ko kuwa shi Atiku, angulu za ta koma gidan ta na tsamiya ne ko kuma zai sake dabarar da ake ra]e-ra]in zai bi, idan har aka tandara shi da }asa? Ku sani cewa ita wannan sabuwar dabarar, ba fa wadda ’yan ~angaren Jonathan ke ya]awa ba ce, cewa wai Atiku ya ce zai janyo fitina idan ba a za~e shi ba. Dabarar dai ita ce wata}ila shi da magoya bayan sa su fice daga PDP su koma wata jam’iyyar su mara wa ]an takarar ta baya, misali jam’iyyar CPC ta su Janar Muhammadu Buhari, ba don komai ba sai don a tabbatar da cewa an ta]iye Jonathan.

Shahararren marubucin nan ]an }asar Ingila wanda ya rasu ]aruruwan shekaru da su ka gabata, wato William Shakespeare, ya rubuta a littafin sa na wasan kwaikwayo mai suna Julius Caesar cewa a tabbatar an yi kaffa-kaffa da ranar 13 ga Maris ko ranar 13 ga Janairu, domin kuwa wani mugun abu na iya faruwa a ranar ko a sakamakon ta. Sai ga shi ’yan PDP sun taru domin yin za~e a ran 13 ga Janairu. To, mu dai addu’ar mu ita ce ko ma wace irin waina aka toya a jiya Alhamis, Allah Ya sa ta alheri ce ga Nijeriya. Manyan kurayen da ke mulki a kan dokin PDP sun da]e su na yi wa ’yan Nijeriya hawan }awara, bayan kuwa a baki su na i}irarin wai sun zo ne su ceci talaka daga fatara da yunwa. Sai ga shi fatara da yunwar ba su ragu ba. Ci-gaban mai ginar rijiya kawai ake yi. Nijeriya ta ci gaba da kasancewa }asa mai koma-baya ta fuskar tattalin arziki, sannan ta na daga cikin jerin }asashe wa]anda cin hanci da rashawa ya yi wa katutu. Ya Allah, mu na ro}on Ka sa kada mu fa]a cikin ramukan da mu ke hangowa a gaban mu. Amin summa amin.

----
An buga a LEADERSHIP WEEKEND ta makon jiya

You Call That An Election?

Yes, the special convention of the Peoples Democratic Party had all the trappings of a free and fair election. Delegates who were going to choose the party’s candidate for the April election were screened and got accreditation in the presence of agents of the three aspirants; votes were cast in the open and into transparent ballot boxes; the counting was done in similar fashion – in the open; the aspirants’ agents were present throughout and were permitted to put in a word if necessary. The aspirants had been invited to tell the delegates what they had in store for the nation. Above all, the whole event was televised live on the NTA, Africa’s largest TV network whose signals are beamed across the globe. You couldn’t have watched this event at the venue or on TV and not be impressed by the meticulous manner in which it was organised. But was it free and fair? Did President Goodluck Jonathan defeat Alhaji Atiku Abubakar fair and square, to borrow from Malam Adamu Ciroma’s description of Chief MKO Abiola’s victory in the presidential election of 1993?

To be free and fair, an election must be truly free from the encumbrances imposed by party stalwarts and government officials, such as intimidation, coercion or blackmail. The voter should be able to exercise his free will, relying on the faith he has in the stated manifesto of the candidate. He has to be persuaded by his conscience that the candidate will serve the collective interest of the community or nation. He should not be compromised by financial inducement, promise of goodies or threat to his privileges. If one applies this clear definition to the event that spanned Thursday to yesterday morning, one would no doubt laugh over what the PDP apparatchiks called a free and fair election. To begin with, the outcome of Jonathan’s victory had been decided long before the party delegates began to arrive Abuja by state governors who believe that whatever they do is in the national interest and that they are acting on behalf of the multitudes. In this primary election, the delegates were mere sheep and their state governors the herdsmen. They were simply commanded to vote for each governor’s choice, which was not necessarily their own choice.

It was during such decision-making that both the stick and the carrot were wielded. Loyalty would be handsomely rewarded while independence of choice, regarded as betrayal, would attract severe sanctions. In our impoverished country where most people go for where their bread is buttered, it is easy to see loyalty than ‘betrayal’. This is why the governors, who control the purse-strings of their states, are the key element in any election in Nigeria. Former governor Donald Duke had told us how it is done, in a bare-all interview he granted The Guardian last year. And only recently, one of the leading chieftains of the PDP, Chief Tony Anenih, who goes by the sobriquet Mr. Fix It (with an added “Slouching an AK-47 of Dirty Tricks”) promised the party’s faithful in Benin City that anyone who dared to vote for Atiku in the presidential primaries would be fished out and punished. Surprisingly, this threat from a man notorious for carrying out to the letter what he intends to do was glossed over by most people, even by the Atiku camp.

Another hat-trick scored by the organisers of the event was the categorisation of the delegates state by state. Ostensibly, this was done in order to make for an easy accreditation and counting. However, it is easy to surmise that this arrangement had forced a precondition on the voters: vote for who your governor told you or we will find out. Now it is possible to know which states “liked the president most” and which ‘betrayed’ him. One could see Governor Isa Yuguda almost sweating as the Bauchi tally was being given; Yuguda, a staunch supporter of the president, has had his delegates giving Atiku as many as 44 votes. Even though Jonathan won by just 2 votes, questions are legion over the governor’s real control over his delegates or even his real loyalty to Aso Rock. This kind of regimentation has played in Jonathan’s favour by intimidating delegates into falling in line. Of course, we are not expected to call this a rigging of the votes because what it did was to rig the voting system from day one.

The next issue is money. We have all seen how the media made a kill in the advertising market in the run-up to the primaries. But those who made the biggest kill were the delegates to the convention. I have personally talked to some of the delegates, who confided in me that huge amounts were shared among them. Right from home, they collected all sorts of monetary gifts. Their trip, accommodation and feeding were sponsored by their governors. They received a lot of blandishment on what and what not to do in Abuja. “It was like being in the army,” one told me. “You were given orders, and no questions were brooked.” Another delegate confided in me that on arrival in Abuja, they were accosted with Atiku’s gift – US$3,000.00 per delegate – but, then, that gift became chickenfeed by the time Jonathan’s windfall came – US$7,000.00 per delegate. If you were smart enough to collect from the two camps, as many delegates did, you became US$10,000.00 richer. Still, my findings indicated that this monetary inducement was not the real deciding factor in the end; the state governor’s decision was the one.

And you ask: why did the governors have to back Jonathan in this primary? Have they not got their own ticket? Yes, they have, but they also knew that their political fate still hangs in the balance; until the April elections are done with, there are many minefields ahead. For most of them, it was safer to play by the rules of the game as spelt out by the party, the presidency and the strange bedfellows parading themselves as the pro-Jonathan bulwark. Any wonder, then, that Jonathan was able to win 80 votes to Atiku’s 1 in Abia, and 141 - 0 in Akwa Ibom, 67 – 0 in the president’s home state of Bayelsa; 105 – 0 in Cross River and 128 – 2 in Rivers?

Rules or no rules, the game – call it war – has just begun. Whoever organised Thursday’s primary this way is determined to give Jonathan victory in the next two months. The taste of the pudding is in the eating. It would be interesting to see how Atiku, who must have been humbled by his defeat in spite of all the reminders he read out to the delegates on the (s)election night, will fight back.

Korar Shaidan daga Filato

Shai]an ya samu mafaka a Jihar Filato. Ya na amfani da gazawar bil’adama ya na shuka shakku da rashin yarda, da gaba da kuma son ramuwa a zukatan mutane. Idan ya samu zuciyoyin da son rai ya cika su, sai ya antaya gaba a cikin su. Daga nan sai ka ga ya kambama fushin da ya yi katutu a zukata, ya zuga mutane, wanda hakan kan haifar da kashe-kashen rayuka ba }a}}autawa. Shai]an ya na jin da]i a duk lokacin da ya ga mun yi fatali da }aunar junan mu, mun shiga rikicin da zai iya ruguza zamantakewar mu. Ya kan yaudari mutane don su yi fa]a da junan su, su ragargaza al’ummar su. Ha}i}a, Shai]an abokin gabar bil’adama ne.

Jos ta zama lahirar makwa]aita a yau saboda Shai]an ya tare a can. Kusan a ce Jos ta zama garin da ba garin zama ba. Gari ne na ya}i, inda mutane ke zaman ]ar ]ar. Rai ba bakin komai ba ne a Jos. Mutuwa ce kawai ke ratsawa, ta na shan jini. A yau, hatta ’yan sanda da sojoji, wa]anda farar hula su ka dogara gare su don samun tsaro, tsoron aiki a Jos su ke. Wani rahoto da jaridar Leadership ta buga a ran Juma'a ta makon jiya ya nuna cewa ’yan sanda 52 ne su ka rasa rayukan su a rikice-rikicen da aka dinga yi a Jos daga shekarar 2002 zuwa yau.

Abin ba}in ciki ne a ce Shai]an ya samu gindin zama a Jos domin kuwa, na farko dai, birni ne mai kyan gani; kamata ya yi a ce Shai]an ya tafi can wani mummunan wuri. Na biyu, a da can Jos gari ne inda ake zaman lafiya, shi ya sa ma mutane daga sassa daban-daban na duniya su ka koma can su ka zauna, wanda hakan ya sa Jos ta kasance al}aryar da ta fi kowace tara }abilu a duk arewacin Nijeriya. A da, in aka yi rikici a Kano ko Kaduna, sai ka ga mutane su na guduwa zuwa Jos. Na uku, bai kamata Shai]an ya zauna a Jos ba domin kuwa akwai ]imbin mabiya addini sau da }afa a garin. Gari ne na masu da’awar ya]a addini tun a zamanin Turawa. Shugabannin Kirista da malaman Musulunci sun ]auki garin a matsayin babbar cibiyar aikin su na ya]a addini, ba ma a lardin Binuwai-Filato ka]ai ba, har ma a duk fa]in Arewa.

To, ya aka yi har Shai]an, wannan bawa abin }i, ya samu mafaka a wannan kyakkyawan birni, al}aryar fastoci da rabaran-rabaran da malamai da shaihunnai? Wanene ya ba shi masauki a can, inda daga nan mutane kan yi amfani da gariyo da wu}a}e da takubba da gorori - yanzu ma har da bamabamai - su na aikawa da junan su barzahu? Wa ya ba shi gidan haya a Filato? ’Yan siyasa su na cewa wai ’yan siyasa ne ke jawo rikicin Filato. Zan iya yarda da haka domin kuwa idan ka duba baya da kyau, kafin a yi amfani da siyasa a raba kan garin, ai jama’a su na zaman lafiya da junan su, su ci abinci tare, su yi biki tare, kuma su kwanta tare. Da yawan sun yi auratayya da junan su.

Idan har za a kori Shai]an daga Jos, tilas ne sai shugabannin mu sun gano 'yan siyasar da ke jawo wannan mummunar fitinar. Kowa ya yarda da cewa wasu manyan mutane ne ke haddasa ta. To, wai su waye su? A fa]i sunan su mana, kuma a yi masu hukuncin ba-sani-ba-sabo, tare da ’yan koren su da su ke turawa don kai hare-hare.

Wani batun da kowa ya yi amanna da shi kuma shi ne, akwai kasawa a ~angaren shugabanni. Wannan ma ta ba da gudunmawa wajen faruwar rikicin. Me ake nufi da hakan? Kawai ana nufin cewa gwamnatin tarayayya a }ar}ashin Jonathan ta gaza kafa dokar ta-~aci a jihar. Kullum sai cacar baki ta ke yi. Ita ma gwamnatin jihar ta kasa ]aukar kowa da kowa a matsayin ]an Nijeriya, ta maida wasu ’ya’yan bora. Sai ka ji ana fa]in “’yan }asa” da kuma “’ya’yan ba}i.” Shin wa ya san wa]annan kalaman a da can lokacin da mutane ke zaune tare a matsayin 'yan'uwan juna? An yi ittifa}i da cewa wannan gazawar ta shugabanci ta faru ne a sanadiyyar salon mulkin Gwamna Jonah David Jang. Mutane da dama a ciki da wajen Jihar Filato sun yarda da abu ]aya: cewa Jang wani ~angare ne na yadda aka kasa samun maslaha a matsalar Filato, ko ma a ce SHI NE matsalar. Gazawar da ya yi wajen yin mulki bisa adalci a }asar sa, ko dai ta hanyar }ara iza wutar rikicin da gangan ko kuma ta hanyar rashin iya shugabanci, ta kasance ala}a}ai }ashin bakin tulu wajen samun tabbataccen zaman lumana. Shugabannin Kirista da dama wa]anda ba su jin tsoron su fa]i gaskiya sun yi amanna da cewa, sam, shi wannan gwamnan ba zai iya magance wannan matsala mai sar}a}iya ba; maimakon haka, ya ~ige kawai ga kame-kamen iska - misali ya na zargin abokan adawar sa a jam’iyyar sa cewa su na so su ga bayan sa. Wannan babbar gazawar ita ce }ashin bayan kiraye-kirayen da ake ta yi a ~angaren Kirista da na Musulmi cewa ya kamata a kafa dokar ta-~aci a jihar.

In da a }asashen da su ka ci gaba ne, to, da tuni Jang ya aje aiki da kan sa. Amma abin mamaki, a maimakon hakan, wai so ya ke ma ya }ara tsayawa za~e don ya sake mulki na shekara hu]u! Amma a gaskiya kamata ya yi ya gaggauta barin Gidan Gwamnati da ke unguwar Rayfield a }arshen wannan wa’adin na shekara hu]u da ya ke a kai yanzu, kada ya tsaya za~e. Dalili shi ne duk mai hankali zai iya fahimtar cewa idan har Jang ya }ara yin shekara hu]u a karagar mulkin Filato, to za a iya ci gaba da samun tashin hankali a jihar har na tsawon shekara hu]u; za a iya ci gaba da asarar ]aruruwa ko dubban rayuka, sa’annan za a iya ci gaba da harbin iskar da ake ta yi a yun}urin magance rikice-rikicen }abilanci da na addini a jihar.

Ya kamata Jang ya nuna kamala, kamar yadda ya kamata duk wani adalin shugaba ya nuna, kada ya ]auki kan sa a matsayin shugaban wani ~angare. Ya kamata ya san cewa shekaru hu]u da ya yi ya na mulki ba su haifar da komai ba sai mace-mace da ~arna, kuma ci gaba da mulkin sa ba zai haifar da ]a mai ido ba; zai haifar da matsaloli masu yawa a zamantakewa tsakanin addinai, ba kawai a Filato ba har ma a sauran jihohin }asar nan. Zai iya shafar zamantakewa ma baki ]ayan ta a }asar nan. Duk }asashen da su ka ci gaba, a yau sun kasance mazaunin jinsina da addinai mabambanta, ban da Filato. Kamata ya yi Jang kar~i }addara ya ce ya gaji da wannan haukan, ya bar wani mutum ya zama gwamna, ko da kuwa daga }auyen su mutumin zai fito, ko da za a samu dacen samun sabon sauyi.

Wannan muhimmin mataki da ya kamata a ]auka, za ta yiwu ba Jang ka]ai ba ne zai yanke shawarar ]aukar sa; ya kamata shugabannin }asar nan a ko'ina su ke su taimaka wajen ]aukar sa. Domin dai abu ne da ya shafi kowa da kowa, don haka su tabbatar da cewa Jang ya fahimci bu}atar da ke akwai ta samun sabon gwamna a Filato wanda zai fuskanci wannan abin ba}in ciki kai-tsaye, shugaba wanda zai zo da sabon tunani kan hanyar da za a bi a samu zaman lumana; shugaba wanda mugunyar siyasar da ake tafkawa yanzu ba ta ~ata masa suna ba. Duk gwamnan da za a ]ora a Filato sai ya fi Jang daraja a idon jama’a. Ya kamata a fahimci cewa shi fa Jang ba zai iya kare kowa daga mutuwa ko asara ba; shin ba shi ba ne gwamna, mai ri}e da cikakken iko da kuma ]imbin ku]i, amma an kashe ]aruruwan Kirista da Musulmi kuma aka ragargaza dukiya sai ka ce a Beirut ne ko Bagadaza ko kuma Zirin Gaza?

Idan har Jang ya }i yarda da shawarar da aka kawo, ya finjire kan sai ya ci gaba da mulki ko da me ko don me, to ha}}i ya rataya a wuyan jama’ar Jihar Filato na su kada shi a za~en da za a yi a bana. Da ma mulkin dimokira]iyya ya ba jama’a damar su yi waje-rod da duk wani shugaba da ya kangare masu. Duk wanda ya za~i Jang, to ya za~i ci gaba da rikicin shekara hu]u a Filato. Hakan zai kasance an ba Shai]an lassi kenan na ci gaba da zama a wannan kyakkyawar jiha, ya na jawo tashin-tashina da kisan kiyashi kan jama’a. Ya kamata Jang ya taimaki jama’ar sa - walau Kirista ne ko Musulmi, ko Birom ko kuma Hausawa - ya zo a taru a kori Shai]an daga Filato.

---
An buga wannan makalar a jaridar LEADERSHIP HAUSA ta ranar Juma'a da ta gabata

Beware the Ides of January!

On Thursday, next week, delegates of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) shall throng Eagle Square, Abuja, to select the person best suited to carry the party’s flag for this year’s presidential election. That day is January 13 which, incidentally, falls among the days dubbed the Ides in the Roman calendar. In this calendar, said to have been devised by Romulus, the mythical founder of Rome, months were organised around three days, each serving as a reference point for counting the others. One of them, known as Ides, fell on the 15th day in March, May, July, and October; and on the 13th in the other months.

The term Ides was made famous by the episode in Act 1 Scene 2 of William Shakespeare’s play Julius Caesar in which a seer warns the Roman emperor to “beware the Ides of March.” Caesar, knowing that the Ides is just another day, makes a joke of the warning the following day, thus: “Well, the Ides of March have come”, and the man answers insistently: “Ay, they have come, but they are not gone.” Caesar is later assassinated in the Theatre of Pompey by 62 senators, among whom are some members of his kitchen cabinet, such as Brutus. He has refused to heed the warnings of the old seer.

Even though the historical event happened over two thousand years ago, in 4 B.C., it has continued to fascinate readers, especially the notion of grave consequences that presumably follow any warning uttered while invoking the term “the Ides of March.” Now, some wise guys in the PDP had fixed the “Ides of January” (i.e. 13th day of the month) to choose their presidential candidate. Ordinarily, one would have dismissed the event as a non-issue, but, then, the PDP prides itself as the biggest political party in Africa. Above all, it is the ruling party in Nigeria. It has produced three presidents since the birth of the Fourth Republic, having been declared winner of the presidential elections in 1999, 2003 and 2007. It also controls most states of the federation, and the National Assembly. The Nigeria Governors’ Forum, populated by its members, is one of the major pressure groups in the country. Its neoliberal policies, anchored on huge petrodollar revenues, exert a great impact on the country’s more than 150 million people.

The selection of its presidential candidate is, therefore, bound to affect the nation’s fortunes, for better or worse. The incumbent president, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, is running for election for the first time in his life. In the past, he stood as running mate – in Bayelsa State as deputy governor and in 2007 as vice-president. Now he is testing his popularity for the first time. To become president on his own account, he must, first, scale the hurdle of the January 13 primary. If he wins, he would proceed to the second hurdle: defeating the presidential candidates of opposition parties. Both hurdles are no tea party. In his first great river to cross, Jonathan is facing the biggest contest in a presidential primary in Nigerian history.

This is the result of what many see as the party’s Achilles’ heel: the agreement its leaders signed, zoning the presidency between the north and the south. Jonathan became president by what his first name suggests – good luck – when his boss, President Umaru Yar’Adua, died. In the agreement, the next president must come from the north because Yar’Adua had not completed the region’s term in office. But Jonathan and his supporters have chosen to bury the pact. The main contestants from the north backed down in support of former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, following a voting on a consensus candidate and are expected to throw their weight behind him on January 13 and thereafter.

Meanwhile, mudslinging is going on between the two camps. Every day, one reads in the newspapers one charge or the other flying between them, mostly bordering on corruption allegations and assumed self-incriminating comments made in the past. The latest, published yesterday, was a condemnation of the ruling party said to have been made by Atiku in November 2006 – as if the man had no right to make such a statement at THAT material time when the party was an indisputable lawless behemoth. That statement, allegedly made on the Hausa Service of the VOA, quoted him as saying that the PDP “does not follow due process; it does not respect the rule of law and the constituted authorities.” The truth is that everything Atiku said about the PDP at the time was correct. Worse things were said by its members and observers. Prof. Wole Soyinka famously described the party as a nest of vipers.

For years, the PDP was embroiled in crises, not only because its members saw it as the shortest route to sudden riches, but also because it lacked internal democracy. Its candidates were imposed on the electorate, and they invariably emerged winners. Consequently, as calls for its reform filled the air, many of its members defected. The party lost heavily in many by-elections. Today, with the promise of free and fair elections from the electoral commission, many of its former members are seeking election via other parties. The giant PDP that once bragged it would rule Nigeria for 60 years is suddenly no longer so confident; it seems to be walking on feet of clay.

The presidential primary could be another make-or-mar milestone for the party and, probably, for the nation. There are fears about what would happen in the event that either Jonathan or Atiku loses the election. If the president loses, would he simply return to the classroom or somewhere quiet to enjoy his cool millions? And would Atiku squirm back into his shell to enjoy his millions or move to actualise his rumoured Plan B if he loses on that night of the long knives? The plan, mark you, is not his promised fire and brimstone as Jonathan’s camp alleges; it simply says that Atiku and his co-travellers might defect to another party, such as Muhammadu Buhari’s CPC, and back its candidate for the presidency in a last-ditch push against Jonathan.

Either way, there is something fishy, nay, eerie, about this January 13 convention. Whatever it is, one prays that it is good for this country. Nigerians have been held in bondage for too long by the PDP cabal, who come in the guise of rescuing the people from economic and social ruin. But the ruin has not abated. If anything, it has worsened. Nigeria remains backward economically and is listed as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. May the Ides of January not spell further doom for this nation. Amen.

----

Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, last Saturday

Taking The Devil Out Of Plateau

The Devil has found an abode in Plateau State. He exploits human frailties and plants doubts, distrust, hatred and revenge in people’s hearts. He finds hearts filled with prejudices and pours in venom. Then he fuels the accumulated anger, heating it to a level where it must burst into violent rage, remorseless killings and destruction. The Devil laughs whenever we discard the love which binds us as a community and is joyful that he can use us to destroy our societies. He lures people onto destruction and, finally, Hell. Isn’t the Devil man’s enemy?

Jos is hellish today because the Devil is there. Jos is almost no longer fit for human habitation. It is a war zone in a jungle, where people live in fear. Human life no longer has any sanctity. Death stalks the city, even in the interludes of peace, like the promise of acid rain. Today, even policemen and soldiers, on whom the civilian population depends for protection, are afraid to serve there. A report published in LEADERSHIP yesterday said that 52 cops had been killed in the crises that rocked the city since 2002.

It is most unfortunate that the Devil lives in Jos because, first, it is a beautiful city; the Devil should display his wares in ugly places. Second, Jos used to be very peaceful, hence people from all over the world made it their home, making it the most cosmopolitan town in northern Nigeria. In the past, people ran to Jos whenever there was sectarian violence in Kano or Kaduna. Third, the Devil shouldn’t have been living there because it is home to some of the most religious people in Nigeria. It has been a missionary hub since colonial times. Christian and Islamic evangelists regarded it as an important base in their task of spreading the Word not only in the old Benue-Plateau area but also across northern Nigeria.

So, how could the Devil, that most accursed creature, find a safe haven in this idyllic place, the city of pastors, reverends, malams and sheikhs? Who gave him a permanent residence there, a base from which people carry machetes, knives, swords, cudgels – and now bombs – to send one another to the great beyond? Who are his landlords on the Plateau? Politicians blame politicians for the crises. I want to agree because in the past, before politics was used to divide the city, ordinary people lived together in peace, eating together, partying together and sleeping together. Many inter-married.

To drive the Devil away, our leaders must find the so-called politicians who instigate this murderous conflict. Everyone agrees that some high-level personalities are culpable. But who are they? They should be named and severely punished, together with their errand boys, the killers who carry out the attacks.

Another point on which everyone is agreed is failure of leadership. This contributed much to the crisis. Meaning what? The Jonathan administration has refused to declare a state of emergency there. It is only paying lip service to the crisis. The state government has also failed to embrace every resident as a Nigerian citizen. Instead, it is mouthing phrases like ‘settler’ and ‘indigene.’ Where was this deadly dichotomy in years past when the people lived together as brothers and sisters?

This failure of leadership has been linked to the governance style of Governor Jonah David Jang. A wide spectrum of opinion in and out of Plateau is agreed on one indisputable fact: Jang is part of the problem – if not THE problem – in the resolution of the Plateau conundrum. His failure to provide statesmanlike leadership in his domain, by either wilfully fanning the embers of the crisis or from sheer incompetence, has been an obstacle in the way of finding a lasting peace. Many Christian leaders who are not afraid to tell the truth believe that the governor is pitifully incapable of solving this seemingly intractable problem; instead, he has been chasing shadows – such as blaming his opponents within his own political party. This gargantuan failure is responsible for the unending calls from both sides of the divide for the imposition of a state of emergency in the state.

In more civilised climes, Jang would have resigned from office long ago. Amazingly, he is eyeing another four-year term as governor! But it is imperative for him to quit the Rayfield Government House at the end of his first four-year tenure and not seek re-election. This is because it is easy to surmise that four more years of him as governor could mean four more years of conflict in Plateau State; four more years of hundreds or thousands killed, and four more years of the wild goose chase and failure to end the inter-ethnic and inter-religious divisions in the state.

Jang should show statesmanship, as any conscientious leader should, by not regarding himself as a factional leader. He should accept that his four years as governor have brought only death and destruction, and that renewing them would have a long-term implication for interreligious harmony not only on the Plateau but also in the rest of the country. It could redefine the future of cohabitation in the country. All civilised nations are becoming multi-ethnic and multi-religious. Jang should accept that he has had enough of this madness and allow another person, who could even come from his village, to become governor so that, perchance, a sea-change would occur.

This all-important decision may not be Jang’s alone; community leaders nationwide should help him decide. Because it is for the common good, they should impress it upon him that a new leadership is needed to address this unfortunate tragedy, a leader with a new vision of how peace could return; a leader untainted by the divisive politics of the moment. Any other governor in Plateau would be more trusted than Jang, who wears a cloak of suspicion and distrust. It is important to know that Jang cannot protect anybody; was he not there, with all the executive powers and funds, when hundreds of Christians and Muslims were killed and properties destroyed as if in Beirut, Baghdad or the Gaza Strip?

If Jang refuses to see the light and decides to carry on at all cost, then the good people of Plateau State must vote him out this year. In a democratic dispensation, and with the promise of free and fair polls, any recalcitrant politician must be shown the door by the electorate in a peaceful manner. Voting for Jang would mean voting for four more years of conflict. That would mean giving the Devil the licence to continue to stalk this picturesque state, causing mayhem and genocide. Jang should help his people – Christians, Muslims, Berom, Hausa, etc. – to expel Satan.

--
Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, Saturday, 01 January 2011