Bahaushe Mai Ban Haushi!

Do we really have a government?

2012-01-23T07:43:00.000-08:00

Yes, we do have a government. But which type may be a more appropriate question. Nevertheless, the first question is germane to the debate over the worsening security situation in the country, especially after Friday’s massacre, through coordinated bombing of Kano in five places and the simultaneous shooting of uncountable people –leading to the death of hundreds of people. It has since been accepted by all and sundry that the weekend war on Kano was the worst attack ever carried out by Boko Haram, both in terms of destruction and casualty figure.

The way the attackers succeeded in carrying out the deed and the crass failure by all security agencies under any name to pre-empt or stop it have spawned the question nationwide and in social media whether we really have a government in this country. Many Nigerians have asked the question knowing that a government is supposed to secure the life and property of all citizens. But for years now our government has failed to provide the basic security needed for any Nigerian to exist in his motherland. Violent crimes such as armed robbery and assassination (which still occur unabated) have since been overtaken by Boko Haram’s insurgency.

The attack on Kano was the clearest proof that our government, together with its money-guzzling security outfits, is at its wit’s end about the Islamic sect. That any armed group could visit such a horrific and devastating blow on innocent and unsuspecting residents of the north’s most populous city was hitherto unthinkable.

Nigerians are thoroughly disappointed in this government for its ineffectual handling of many things, especially three issues – free and fair elections, the economy and security. Though all three have a potential for causing violent death, security, which takes the lion’s share of the national budget, is nowhere to be found.

The existence of structures like police and military formations no longer provides any comfort to the taxpayers who sponsor them. They do not give value for money. They are becoming a drainpipe on our scarce resources.
The man we identify as the President of Nigeria, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, appears helpless and clueless in the prevailing circumstance. He tends to believe that he is operating alone, probablywith a few trusted aides. This is evident in his recent resignation to fate, moaning that there are Boko Haram members in his government. Even though he has not named names, it is easy to guess the type of person the President meant: a Hausa/Fulani, Muslim, from the north. And we all know who is a Hausa/Fulani, Muslim, northerner in the administration, starting from the VP downwards.

Now, a government which has “terrorists” in its hierarchy is no government. It is a cult or a nest of vipers who are prepared to bomb and destroy its citizens in order to achieve some morbid agenda. Since the President believes that there are Boko Haram members in his government, then, does he really have a government? Shouldn’t we assume, by his own confession, that certain of his top lietenants are not only undermining the administration but are also causing the death of thousands, thus commiting treason and a sundry crimes? Shouldn’t we also believe that the President knows these people and is afraid to name them, much less have them arrested and prosecuted? And if he really knows the members of Boko Haram in his government, is he not an accessory to their deeds?

This brings us to the widely held belief in Nigeria that there is Boko Haram and there is a ‘Boko Haram’ – the original one with headquarters in Maiduguri and another one with headquarters in Abuja or any other secret location.

Many today believe that some of these killings ascribed to the original BH are being commited by another shadowy group with aims and objectives far removed from instituting Sharia law all over Nigeria. The agenda of the second– and probably more ruthless – BHis believed to be the destruction of Nigeria as a single entity, in line with a U.S. agency’s prophesy that Nigeria may cease to exist by 2015. This theory is being widely shared today, more so with the increasing sophistication of the bombings and the growing desperation of the attackers. The almighty God, who is All-knowing, is seeing all.

In the meanwhile, Jonathan needs to prove the conspiracy theorists wrong in order to salvage what remains of the credibility of his government. He has been destroying it bit by bit through a series of avoidable missteps. His promised “fresh air” has since become foul and suffocating. His blunders are legion, from violently wrestling a presidency which his party had zoned to the north through anon-election, to the mishandling of the current insurgency, the removal of fuel subsidy and its attendant somersault and being impolitic with his utterences.

One big misstep is his failure to fulfill his promise of restructuring the security agencies soon, beginning with changing their chiefs. We are witnessing the worst security situation in the history of the country under the very noses of these security (?) chiefs. While each one of them holds fast to his office, the killings have continued. Because the word ‘honourable resignation’ is absent in the lexicon of Nigerian political appointees whose offices have been tainted by one scandal or the other, Jonathan should have had the courage to wield the big stick against the failed agencies as a way of injecting public confidence into them.

His biggest challenge today is getting round to sorting out the Boko Haram conundrum. As I had cause to argue in this column a few months ago, the solution to Boko Haram, in the face of failure of intelligence, is not police action or military onslaught but political brinkmanship. The Boko Haram leadership may seem to be invisible, but it is now known to be headed by Imam Shekau. The leadership once named certain Muslim clerics that it agreed could help broker a parley with them. So, who has ever reached out to those malams as a first step towards starting a dialogue?

Jonathan, who is trying to act macho, is losing grips on all fronts by not toeing this line. I understand that the security chiefs, who feed fat on the ugly situation, want the administration to continue toeing the tough-guy line even though the price is the bloody encounters we are witnessing all over the north. If the agenda is not really to balkanize Nigeria as the ‘fake Boko Haram’ is seen to want, the President should stop listening to any aide asking him not to dialogue with Boko Haram. The Kano killings of three days ago have proved that Jonathan is clearly at his weakest point now.

If you are down, dialogue is the best option. This is not the time for playing Jason Statham or Arnold Schwarzenegger, please. Leave the action heroes to the movies; we are in the real world.

Published in my column in Blueprint today

Can we really fight a religious war?

2012-01-16T08:17:00.000-08:00

Of recent, especially since the horrendous bombing of the Madalla church allegedly by Boko Haram, many commentators have made the prospect of a religious war breaking out in this country to loom larger by the day. Only the equally horrendous removal of fuel subsidy by Dr Goodluck Jonathan – arguably the most hated president Nigeria ever had – eclipsed that prospect. However, while one joined the rest of Nigerians to sound alarm, dismay and rejection of the government’s thoughtless reflex action, one was also unable to dismiss the thought of the ‘religious war’ from one’s mind. Reason: before the subsidy catastrophe befell us like a bag of damnation from the heavens, the issue of a shooting battle between Christians and Muslims in the country was conceivably a fait accompli. What with the President of the Christian Association of Nigeria, Pastor Ayodele Joseph Oritsejafor, angrily urging Christians to stop turning the other cheek and return fire for fire.

It is easy – and even excusable – for certain elements to express extreme outrage at such wanton killings in places of worship, or any other place for that matter. Only a person of extreme wickedness and inhumanity would bomb a church (or a mosque), killing worshippers – people who most probably have nothing to do with the killer’s grouse or kind of politics. When such murders occur, it is only fair to expect the action to draw extreme outrage even from sedate members of the society.

But when otherwise informed people warn of the country slipping into a religious war, one wonders just where the shootings would begin. Some even display their ignorance about the cultural composition of Nigeria. A ‘religious war’ must have clearly defined enemies whose locations must be recognisable and mutually exclusive. In Nigeria, no matter how outraged we are over the unacceptable actions of some of us, such enemy lines are not clearly identifiable.

The biggest error I always read in news reports by Western media on the Nigerian crisis is where they unavoidably claim that Nigeria is “roughly divided between a Christian south and a Muslim north.” This statement is painfully wrong because Nigeria is not divided along a north-south line when it comes to religious enclaves.

Start from my state, Katsina. One would say it is a mainly Muslim state. But that does not mean there are no Christians who are indigenes of Katsina state. They are Hausa like the rest of the Muslims in the state, or even more so. They are not ‘settlers’ but dyed-in-the-wool indigenes. As such nobody can say, on the day a ‘religious war’ breaks out in Nigeria, that they should start moving to the “Christian south.” Many of them may have probably never travelled out of their vicinity or beyond Zaria.

Same thing goes for many other “Muslim states” in north. Zamfara, Kano, Kogi, Niger, Kwara, Borno and Adamawa are other examples of states where there are indigenes who are as Christian as the man in the Niger Delta. And in Christian-dominated states like Plateau and Benue, there are Muslim indigenes who cannot be expelled till kingdom come.

If you move down south, what would you do with all those Yoruba Muslims? Some of them are obas or even the governors of their states – and they are not ‘settlers’! In some of the south-west states, Muslims are in the majority. So, just because somebody wants us to fight a religious war, should the Muslims in all the Yoruba states, as well as those in southern states like Edo (around Auchi) hire lorries and buses and pack to the “Muslim north”? Even among the more homogenous Igbo people in the south-east there are quite a few Muslims.

To stretch the argument further, what would you do about states in the north where Christians are in the majority – like Plateau, Taraba and Benue? Should the majority of the people in these states migrate to the south and start life anew, build new civilisations and try to blend with their brothers and sisters in faith there?

Recently, while reading the autobiography of the highly respected Prof. Adamu Baikie, I found the ‘religious war’ notion an increasingly bigger fallacy, concocted by largely southern commentators and their ignorant collaborators in the Western media. I saw how families not only in the north but also in the south are inextricably meshed together through intermarriages across tribes and religions. I saw how in a family there are followers of both faiths, all living together in peace and harmony. Later, in a discussion with a Yoruba friend, I realised that this meshing of creeds is even more rampant among the Yoruba, where some children of the same parents can follow different faiths – and without killing each other for it. The question, then, is that on the day of our religious Armageddon, should such siblings start massacring each other because of the blandishment of some religious bigot? Should a Muslim married to a Christian woman just kill her because a religious war has begun? Should a son professing Christianity send his aged Muslim mother in downtown Abeokuta to the great beyond because the pundits have said so?

Thus, it is simply foolhardy to believe that a war based on religious sentiments could be successfully prosecuted in Nigeria. The fabrics of our nation are so meshed into each other, not only through political alliances, business partnerships, marriages or workplaces but also through the faiths we individually profess. Of course, some idiots may bomb a mosque or a church thinking “it is the other people’s”, but at the end of the day they may unwittingly be murdering someone from their family, tribe or village. Instead of a religious war, therefore, people may fight based on tribal lines or in exclusive and clearly defined enclaves like the ones you find in Plateau or Kano.

What Nigerians need to fight is militancy, terrorism and bigotry. God, whom we all worship in spite of differences in creed, has a purpose for bringing us together as one nation. He knows why we have this unique diversity, the type you only find in multicultural societies like America. We should find strength in it and oppose those who want to forcefully take it away from us.

Published in my column on the back page of BLUEPRINT, today, January 16, 2012

Above picture is Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor

The North’s regression

2011-12-25T23:26:00.000-08:00

Slowly and inexorably, the north is becoming like Somalia. The only small difference between us and Somalia is that whereas the latter has spent decades without a functional government, there are structures on the ground and people in the north whom we call leaders. Nevertherless, Compared to the south, the north as a political entity is fast sliding back into prehistoric times in terms of development and, indeed, worse than the colonial times in terms of home-grown violence. The situation is so bad that many a frustrated northern youngster is yearning for the British to return and recolonise the country in order to bring back the halcyon times. The solution to our problems is, of course, far from recolonisation. But if it isn’t, then, what is?

For the north, there have been four epochs in the march to (or away from) civilisation. There was the precolonial time when our forefathers engaged in internecine wars and the self-immolating practice of slavery. But then, in parts of the north, the Sokoto jihad came and put aright many things through the institutionalisation of Islamic law. Then came the Europeans, who colonised the area, imposed their crafty system of ‘indirect rule’ through which they milked the nation’s resources and pretended to be developing our people. But a word for colonialism: in spite of its self-serving ends, it put some sense into our people’s understanding of leadership and built a foundation for future progress, such as the railways, literacy and structures for democratic governance. Of course, the colonialists ultimately served themselves, at times employing brute force, while pretending to be serving the natives’ best interests. Hence the stiff resistance against it and the campaigns that uprooted it.

During the third epoch, the post-independence era, it was the natives that took over the mantle of leadership and used state resources in the service of the commonweal. In the north, proofs of their selfless service are legion even today. Even though they were called names by their opponents, we can see, in retrospect, that their dedication to serving the general populace was a thousand and one times better than that of our current leaders.

The fourth milestone is, indeed, today. This dates roughly from the end of the Nigerian civil war to the current reality. It is the worst span in the history of the region. After the violent eradication of those patriotic nation-builders and the 30-month civil war, came the various “corrective” military regimes that pretended, more than the colonialists, to be working in the interest of the nation. The truth is that, apart from the brief spasms of the Murtala and, later, the Buhari/Idiagbon regimes, they worked more for themselves. They institutionalised corruption, cronyism and nepotism. Most of them turned out to become among the richest and, by implication, the most influential people in the country. Because they benefited from a corrupt system, they sustained it and injected their bile into latter day rulers who came in civilian garbs. And because the civilians who inherited the mantle of leadership have been adequately coached in the dark arts of corruption, divisiveness and cronyism, they have carried on, marching within the system and resisting any move to change or overthrow it.

The cycle of violence the north is witnessing, including some of the worst yesterday, is a fall-out of the ruthless system foisted on the region by its selfish rulers of the military and post-military era. Many analysts have pointed at the crying poverty in the region as the primary reason for these volcanic eruptions that are causing the death of hundreds of innocent people, destroying edifices and disrupting the peace. Now what is the cause of the poverty itself? Is it not the tunnel vision – if there is vision at all – of the region’s leaders who have failed to unify the common people through their divisive politics and the misuse of the region’s resources?
The north is fast regressing in all indices of human development. Apart from poverty, illiteracy is growing; so also joblessness among the youth, with concomitant problems such as drug abuse and strange criminality (with many youngsters killing their own parents); collapse of morals and ethics, education, health care, etc. A combination of these problems has created a deep well of despondency among most youth in the region, who have lost confidence in the leadership. They are asking for a change – even away from democracy. Many are saying let’s go back to the sharia law which did well for the region under the Sokoto caliphate, not minding the cultural mix of the present times. Unsure of their success in such agitations in the face of resistance from the state’s coercive powers, many have resorted to hugely violent attacks.

What is the response of our so-called leaders to all this? They shirk their responsibility by simply passing the buck and engaging in histrionics. Appeals to conscience. Calls to prayers. Blandishments. Rhetoric. Trading blames. Peace conferences. Yesterday, all the chairman of the Northern Governors Forum, Governor Aliyu of Niger state, could do was an effeminate call on President Jonathan to “urgently convene a national security summit.” We have heard that before, and it won’t work. We are tired of talk shops. Northern leaders should develop the north. Rebuild the infrastructures bequethed to them by the post-independence leaders. Provide jobs. Educate the youth. Stop all the divisive politicking. And stop all the stealing. Try these, and see if the violence and the regression will not disappear fiam – one time!

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My column in today's Blueprint

Are we glorifying gangsterism?

2011-12-11T23:52:00.000-08:00

It can only happen in Nigeria. Two armed gangs, both outlawed, converge on two strategic locations, spewing threats against public peace. Police men look on helplessly, pleading with the men to sheath their swords, in manner of speaking, and go back home. The gangs insist on playing out their game to the end, on their own terms, insisting that it is their birthright to do what they must do. As of your laws, stuff them in your mouth and flush them down your dirty gullet.

This happens in Nigeria all the time. Because we have become used to gangsterism in every shade, we scarcely notice that some people are breaking the law with impunity.

It happened last Thursday. Two militias, as if by common acclamation, came out en masse in order to “protest” what they regarded as an abuse of their right. The first gang consisted of “former” Niger Delta militants, operating under disparate organisations jointly known as MEND. About 1,600 of them travelled upcountry in long buses and cars and were only accosted by the police at a bridge in Kogi state. The cops prevented them from reaching their destination – the nation’s capital. One of the militants’ leaders, one “General Ramseh,” had the patience to tell reporters and the police that his group was going to Abuja to ask the President why he failed to fulfill his promise to the men who agreed to stop destroying oil installations. The promise is a mouth-watering rehabilitation package for the militants who agreed to lay down their arms, come out of the creeks and receive training for a better civil life. The amnesty programme, as the package is best known, is floundering – judging from the General’s complaints – and the ‘boys’ are no longer being cared for. “While we have embraced the amnesty programme, but the federal government is frustrating it by refusing to pay us, and we don’t want to go back to the creeks or pick up arms any longer,” Ramsey told Blueprint in a story published on Friday.

Many newspapers reported about how these supposedly former fighters blocked the Lokoja-Abuja road for hours, causing a disturbing traffic gridlock, for which commuters suffered. The policemen who stopped the gang from reaching Abuja were apparently courageous, or lucky, as to be able to turn the tide of the hitherto dreaded militants back to whence they came. Not until the men of MEND, who seem to have been quietened down since Dr Jonathan assumed power, grabbed the headlines the following day. Their message has nonetheless sunk in: give the big boys more cash or else.

The second gang hit town in Lagos. Fighters of the Odu’a Peoples Congress (OPC), not less notorious or dreaded, held a big demonstration in the city. Their grouse, however, was not money – yet. Their leader, Dr Frederick Fasheun, explained that they were out to denounce the activities of the ‘north’s own’ militia, the Boko Haram. Fasheun said his gang was ready to defend the south against infiltration by the Maiduguri-based Islamic sect. The OPC’s threat was obviously a reaction to reports that BH may try to visit a devastating blow on a metropolis down south. As in the case on the Lokoja bridge, the police could only look on as the mainly Yoruba militia performed its show. No one was arrested.

In a normal country, the activities of these militias would be resisted, especially since they are not recognised by any section of the constitution. They are armed groups which the laws of the land have banned. They are becoming more dangerous by flying the ethnic and regional cards. Across time, they have been transformed by their leaders and supporters into cultural units of the communities in which they originated. A report in the Sunday Tribune yesterday even lamented that the OPC are not enjoying enough financial and moral support from the Yoruba elite. This claim, though disputable, clearly illustrates our dilemma as a nation that wishes to solve the intractable problems sectionalism (ethnic, religious and regional) has thrust on us. We are glorifying the actions of people that should otherwise be arrested and put behind bars. The Sunday Tribune report aptly summarised the problem this way: “When gun-totting youths besiege the streets in broad daylight, the action should rather be seen as a social problem that requires urgent attention. The daring display of gangsterism on the streets of Lokoja and Lagos is not merely a matter of security helplessness but a resultant effect of socio-economic problem in the country.”

These sectional gangs are indeed growing not only due to the economic problem, but also greatly due to the collapse of morality. Here is a nation where injustice and immorality fester, its leaders refusing to do much to ameliorate the difficult living conditions while illegally helping themselves to the commonweal and refusing to punish proven criminals. The youth should be helped out of militancy, of course, but that task ought to begin with the leaders. You cannot pretend to have the moral right to remove a speck from my eye while I know that there is a big log in yours.

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Published in my column in BLUEPRINT today.
Above photo: MEND members on Lokoja-Abuja road. Photo by Momoh Obansa

Almajirai with guns

2011-11-26T01:16:00.000-08:00

Almost on a daily basis, one reads at least one beautiful idea in the newspapers about what to do with with traditional Islamic school pupils known as almajirai. Many commentators, so much schooled in their biases and stereotypes, ignorantly blame the almajirai for a rash of crimes, including the murderous sectarian crises that have become the hallmark of life in the north. They argue that those ragged kids, who are usually armed with nothing but their begging bowls, are used by their teachers to kill and destroy.

Such ignorant postulations tend to ignore other professional beggers who have been visiting more pain and destruction than the almajirai – the gun-toting security men at the countless ‘check-points’ all over Nigeria. In the past, these fellows were stationed on the roads in order to fish out armed robbers, but with the worsening insecurity situation in the country, they were given the additional responsibility of finding potential bombers. Check-points on the approach to the nation’s capital have increased, so also the ferocity of the checks. And at night, in most cities, police men and sometimes soldiers are seen stopping drivers and asking them questions. “Wetin you carry” used to be the favourite joke of newspaper cartoonists; another was, “May I see your particulars.” These jokes portrayed our policemen not only as corrupt but also as foolish beggers for ‘something' to eat.

Today’s check-point beggers are not armed with bowls but with AK-47s. They tell you, in a mellifluous voice that belies their capacity for savagery: “Oga, your boys are here o! Na your work wey we dey do.” You have a choice to ‘dash’ them something or not. I have observed that most drivers do hand over some cash to these armed professional beggers, even if reluctantly. Which also persuaded me to think that they scarcely have a real choice, considering the fact that there have been incidents of ‘stray bullets’ hitting unsuspecting commuters in many parts of the country. I also observed that givers of such alms show more alacrity when they are stopped at night.

The question is: why should our security men be asking for money from drivers at check points? Even though some policemen think receiving from a willing giver is not really corruption, I think it is. They erroneously figure that corruption is when you steal from the public till; my more bookish friends have a word for this: extortion. Whatever you call it, it contributes to the myriad of actions that gave our police force a bad image not only in Nigeria but also internationally.

In 2006, the Centre for Law Enforcement Education (CLEEN), a non-governmental organisation, published the result of a survey which described the Nigeria police force as one of the country's most corrupt institutions in the country. That was a year after a former Inspector-General of Police, Tafa Balogun, was found guilty of corruption and sentenced to six months in prison. Only last year, the Human Rights Watch conclusively declared that widespread corruption in the Police Force was fueling abuses against ordinary citizens and severely undermining the rule of law in Nigeria. It wrote: “On a daily basis, countless ordinary Nigerians are accosted by armed police officers who demand bribes and commit human rights abuses against them as a means of extorting money. These abuses range from arbitrary arrest and unlawful detention to threats and acts of violence, including sexual assault, torture, and even extrajudicial killings. Police also routinely extort money from victims of crimes to initiate investigations and demand bribes from suspects to drop investigations.”

The international organisation’s damning 102-page report, titled “Everyone's in on the Game': Corruption and Human Rights Abuses by the Nigeria Police Force," documents the myriad forms of police corruption in Nigeria. It also shows how institutionalised extortion, a profound lack of political will to reform the force, and impunity combine to make police corruption a deeply embedded problem.

It is correct to say that not all policemen or ‘check-point soldiers’ are corrupt or begging commuters for ‘something to buy a loaf of bread.’ I know many who are pained to know that some people regard them “just like the others.” However, a Hausa proverb says that it is a single bad bean which spoils the soup. I also know that several reform programmes have been introduced in order to rid the police force of bad eggs. But it looks like none has succeeded yet. A level of success can be measured when ordinary policemen stop asking for pocket allowance from commuters or even reject it if offered.

This would, indeed, require a highly disciplined and motivated police force. To get such a force, money voted for security should be made to reach those for whom it was budgeted. A cop who knows that his Oga has commandeered his allowance and given him crumbs would not be willing to honour any espirit d’corps. A cop who knows that his take-home pay cannot take him even to the bus stop would find asking a driver for ‘something for the boys’ irresistible. It is the duty of the police high command to cater for the needs of their rank and file, with justice and fair play, before discipline can be imposed from the police station to the police check-point.

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Published in my COLUMN in BLUEPRINT, on Monday. Cartoon courtesy of Human Rights Watch

Sallah, feast and pain

2011-11-08T13:59:00.000-08:00

Yesterday was Sallah Day. Eid el-Kabir. The feast of sacrifice. It is the second largest Muslim festival, after Eid el-Fitr. This time, we commemorated the decision by Prophet Ibrahim (AS) to sacrifice his son Prophet Ismail (AS) in absolute obeisance to the Almighty Allah (SWT) who replaced the son with a ram.

Even though Sallah is a day feast, its festivities run for a minimum of three days. So, we are still celebrating – eating, drinking, exchanging visits and felicitations, and generally making merry. It is one of those rare moments when we forget our sorrows, failures and indiginities. Some of us even shelve their savagery and sink into mirth and laughter. It is momentary, but it reminds us of our sense of humanity, our capacity to love and be loved.

But should it be brief and guarded? Why should our sense of savagery, refusal to share love and our capacity for evil replace what we ought to be in the first place? Our humaneness ought not be momentary and guarded – it should be our essence!

These questions grew out of me on the eve of Eid el-Kabir. Bombs, deaths and wailings suddenly distorted the emerging convivial atmosphere. In Damaturu, Potiskum and Maiduguri, the now familiar occurence of bomb-blasts was witnessed. The death toll was horrifying. The official tally, issued by police, said 53 people were killed, comprising 36 civilians and 17 security agents (11 policemen, two soldiers, one Road Safety official, one fire service man, and two Civil Defence officials). Jama'atu Nasril Islam, the umbrella Muslim body, reported yesterday that 96 bodies were identified in the town. Add that to the ones recorded in the various skirmishes since 2009 when the Boko Haram War began and you will agree without hesitation that life has since become Hobbesian: "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short".

Violence, division, hatred and revenge are defining our essence; these base feelings are an army arrayed against our humaneness. We are no longer brother’s keepers even within our religion, much less between us and members of other faiths. Trust has all but disappeared, replaced by deep-seated suspicion and vengeful anger. You can see it in the market-place, the media and internet social networks.

In the past in the North, Sallah Day used to be enjoyed not only by Muslims but also by their Christian neighbours, who eat from the assortment of food and the sacrificial ram meat. Now even Muslims celebrate it in fear and hesitation. A similar situation defines Christmas. Now the walls of fear have gone up in our hearts, erecting barriers that seem to be growing in height and in thickness. Yesterday, my friend Prince Charles Dickson posted a comment on Facebook, reflecting this rueful situation. He wrote: “Sallah has been peaceful in Jos but sadly no exchange of visits. Boundaries being maintained, for how long do we live like this?”

Yeah, for how long? Even Charles cannot answer the question. But it is a question that needs to be answered and a solution found to the pertinent issues. Unfortunately, one cannot see genuine efforts by the powers that be towards confronting the ogre of intolerance, distrust and violence. I had expected to see a serious commentary on the state of affairs from President Jonathan in his Eid el-Kabir message. But the man was lame. His blandishments, communicated to the nation via a written statement, were the usual appeals, as well as a call on Nigerians to support his Transformation Agenda. The strongest point in the President’s Sallah Message was: “As we labour to grow and develop our country, it is important that we eschew all vices, including religious and social violence that can disrupt the peace and stability of our nation.”

The nail was, however, best hit on the head of the matter by the Etsu Nupe, Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar who, in his Sallah Message after the Eid prayers in Bida yesterday, spoke about the need for justice for all categories of people in the country. “Our people always rejoice to see justice done without fear or favour, hence the manifest result of social justice is usually peace and harmony,” His Royal Highness said, adding, “All those given responsibility to lead should promote peace through justice and fairness irrespective of religious and ethnic differences.”

Justice for all, then, is the keyword for attaining peace and tranquillity in this country. And to achieve that, our leaders must rule with the fear of God just as the leaders past – those in the 60s and the early 70s – did. Today, our leaders are another kettle of fish altogether. Everyone is for himself. And you cannot attain justice by stealing. According to Transparency International last week, Nigeria’s civil servants took $3 billion bribe in 2010 alone. God knows how much they stole so far this year. That’s from bribes alone, not to talk of other corrupt practices such as direct stealing from the public coffers, using all sorts of excuses and tricks.

With this kind of tendency, we shouldn’t be surprised that, as reprehensible as it is, violence has become a part and parcel of our life. Also, no one should be surprised that Sallah Day, in spite of pretences to the contrary, is low key. Don't be surprised if Christmas is similar.

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Published in my column on the back page of BLUEPRINT yesterday
Photo above shows a scene of devastation in the Damaturu attacks

After Libya, which country is next?

2011-10-24T08:58:00.000-07:00

“We have Plan A, Plan B and Plan C. Plan A is to live and die in Libya. Plan B is to live and die in Libya. Plan C is to live and die in Libya.”

– Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, talking to CNN on February 26 on the ruling family’s option in the wake of the deadly protests in the country.

By all accounts, Libya has just entered a new era, with the brutal killing of Col. Muammar Muhammad al-Gaddafi last Thursday by the country’s rebels at his hometown of Sirte. My predictions in two previous columns on Libya that the current status in that country would be reached in the months to come have now proved almost prescient. All the ingredients of this tragic end were there – some for decades. Gaddafi’s 42 years in power had made him the world’s fourth longest-ruling non-royal leader since 1900, as well as the longest-ruling Arab leader. No matter how benevolent his regime, his autocracy could no longer be sustained in the modern world.

In my first piece on the Libyan tumult, titled, “Men Without Ears,” published on the back page of Leadership on February 26, 2011, I argued, “As at now, the Libyan conundrum, which the world is watching more keenly because of the high stakes involved, appears to be going the way of the ones that took place in Tunisia and Egypt since January. Which makes it permissible to say that Gaddafi’s days in power are numbered. In spite of his and his son Saif al-Islam’s braggadocio, the president is gradually losing control of the levers of power, with large chunks of the country being taken over by rebellious protesters.”

In my second column on the issue, titled “The Way the Cookie Crumbles,” published in Blueprint two months ago when Gaddafi finally went into hiding, I wrote: “One wonders what becomes of the North African country in the post-Gaddafi era. The West must avoid making its Iraq mistakes after it toppled Saddam Hussein in 2003. Since the purpose of Gaddafi’s ouster is to give Libya a better future, the change should not be geared solely towards serving Western interests. To achieve this, no foreign troops should be allowed in... Libya should become a democratic nation whose Islamic identity is preserved. It should never become a family-centred dictatorship with a tunnel vision for development again if the overthrow of Gaddafi’s superstructure must be justified.”

Now that Gaddafi is gone, Western countries that backed the insurrection against him are lining up to exact their interests with more zeal. The country has the largest oil reserves in Africa. Now we will see if Libya’s National Transitional Council, which is putting together a government, have done what they did out of patriotism. If they mortgage Libya’s sovereignty to foreigners, then it is up to the ordinary people to give them the “Gaddafi treatment.”

This means that it is not over yet in Libya until we see what the new leaders are going to do. Is it democracy or another dictatorship woven around some cabal with pecuniary interests? Are the new leaders, in order to fulfil their pledge of “modernising” the nation, going to build a system based on the cultural and religious values of the people? Or are they, as many analysts fear, going to make Libya the 53rd state of the U.S.? The 51st and the 52nd states are Israel and Afghanistan respectively, of course!
I have other worries. After Libya, which country is next? Syria quickly comes to mind. The country is also in the throes of the so-called Arab Spring that revolutionised Tunisia and Egypt. Beyond Syria, however, the West is expected to be looking around at other “soft” targets where its Dracula could find cheap blood or, if you will, oil. Look around, and you will see Iran in the horizon. Or Nigeria, for that matter, which a U.S. intelligence report predicted would fall apart in a few years’ time.

In a new poll by the daily Kommersant, Russian experts cited Syria, Iran, Yemen, Venezuela and Nigeria as possibly the next in the line of countries likely to follow in Libya’s footsteps. One of them, State Duma Deputy Vadim Solovyov of the Communist Party faction warned that the American economy is in need of inexpensive oil, so the U.S. is ready to wage wars in order to get it. He specifically argued that any country with large reserves of energy resources such as Iran, Syria, Venezuela or Nigeria could come next.

Another Russian expert polled by the newspaper was the deputy head of the Liberal Democratic Party faction, Maxim Rokhmistrov, who said: “What we have been witnessing is a redistribution of spheres of influence, where the United States is the main player.”

Are we ready to play a Gaddafi if such eventuality happens, knowing that we have many rebellious types? My take is that Nigeria’s divisive nature, plus the various militant wars going on, makes us an easier target than Libya or Iran, both of which had resisted decades of Western machinations. Surely for our leaders, the time to be sleeping with one eye open is here. Cold comfort, the Americans are already here.
Let’s pray.

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Published in BLUEPRINT today

Kwankwaso’s policy on movies

2011-10-18T15:14:00.000-07:00

When I met Governor Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso for the first time last month, I was eager to ask him a question on the policy of his government on movie production. During the final three years of the regime preceding his, there had been a cat-and-mouse contest between stakeholders in the Hausa movie industry and the Kano state government. Many actors, producers, musicians, marketers, etc., were arrested, heavily fined, jailed and or had their offices locked up and their property confiscated through dubious legal processes. Many were forced into exile in neighbouring states. One Abubakar Rabo, notorious for his near-crazy loathing for the movie trade, was heading the state Censorship Board in a Gestapo manner. He committed himself to the emasculation of the industry, using false propaganda and coercive instruments of the state. Consequently, Kano’s huge army of unemployed swelled. (The industry had employed thousands of school leavers and other layabouts for whom government could not provide jobs).

The reason adduced for this reign of terror by Governor Ibrahim Shekarau was that Hausa movies were corrupting morals and that movie industry stakeholders were not practising what they preached. He also claimed, during the last presidential debate, that he was responding to the demand of members of the society for the industry to be chained. Truly, there is a fringe view in Hausa land which holds that movies are sinful and should be banned – the kind of view imposed against women education in Afghanistan under the Taliban.

One of the comical regulations imposed by Rabo was that movies should not be shot at night so that men and women would not use the opportunity to commit fornication – as if those who engage in illicit sex (including top government officials) do so only at night!

The government’s stance wasn’t tenable because it was hypocritical. Many of its top guns were known to be living double lives, morally speaking. Nollywood flicks, which are more explicit, and even smuggled x-rated movies, were on sale in many parts of Kano. Moreover, during the run-up to the 2007 general election, Shekarau himself had exploited the film stars’ popularity to canvass votes. He held a lavish movie awards ceremony in government house where he extolled the virtues of film-making and distributed gifts. In the following months, he courted the industry through all manner of tricks, including donating a new bus to the film-makers’ association and, later, receiving an industry award at Arewa House, Kaduna. But when the Hiyana sex scandal broke out in 2007 and the anti-movie lobby found a louder voice, Shekarau launched his crackdown on the stars. After all, he had won his re-election and reckoned that he did not really need them. The latter view proved suicidal because the industry played a key role in defeating his party in the April 2011 polls when its crowd-pulling members like Sani Danja and Ibro joined the campaign train of his arch-rival, Kwankwaso.

Today, there is a sea change. Dr Kwankwaso is building a bridge of understanding between government and the industry. In response to my question during our interview with him, published in Blueprint on September 26, he said: “The film industry in Kano is very important for obvious reasons. For one, it is capital-intensive and has the capacity to boost the state’s economy. Secondly, and this is very crucial, it has the potential to create mass employment opportunity to the youths - both male and female - and this is one of our objectives: to provide job opportunity to as many people as possible. So, I have made it clear that our administration would give all the needed support to make sure the film industry thrives like any other industry in the real sector.”

In spite of his positive outlook, however, the governor is not blind to the need for the regulation of the business. He explained, “But be that as it may, we also have our religious and cultural values to protect against adulteration in any way by the filmmakers or any group of people.” He is setting up a Kano Film Institute in Tiga “so that the industry will be sanitised.” This is clearly a purposive and focused leadership. There are no frenzied, false claims or pretences. There is simply a clear urge to reduce unemployment while firmly minding cultural preservation.

The movie practitioners should repay this gesture by producing qualitative movies that are also sensitive to culture and religion. They should do away with their Indian copycat impulses and be professional. Hausa movies should be made to appeal to a universal audience through originality even if they have to be modern in outlook. It doesn’t have to take a Malam Rabo to remind the practitioners about this.

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Published in BLUEPRINT yesterday

Suntai and the rest of us

2011-10-15T16:41:00.000-07:00

These days it is easy for anyone to get angry over the slightest provocation. The daily grind of life in our country has made most people – “big and small” – to be on a short fuse. Our politicians are arguably the most harrassed, what with the hassle of winning an election and then maintaining “relevance” in the polity, as well as oiling one’s constituency using tons of currency on a ceaseless basis.

Given this background, perhaps Nigerian journalists would find Governor Danbaba Suntai’s diatribe against them excusable. Suntai (‘Pharm.’ to the uninitiated) last week made his true views about news men known to the world. The Daily Trust reported on October 5, 2011: “Taraba State Governor Danbaba Danfulani Suntai has said that he hates journalists and never wants to have anything to do with them.”

It was the kind of story that should make media managers (such as Suntai’s energetic information commissioner Emmanuel Bello) scramble to ‘manage the crisis’ through heated denials. So far, mum is the word from Jalingo, which tells me that the 50-year-old pharmacist-turned-politician was not misquoted after all. Well, well, sigh! So, someone out there in Taraba hates us, the pen-pushers. And to think that it is the chief security officer of the state! Are journalists now safe in Taraba? Now don’t bet on it!

The question is: why does His Excellency hate journalists so much? The report quoted him as saying it is “because they publish lies and are used by canny politicians to fight other politicians.” Journalism ethics in Nigeria, according to the governor, “are based on falsehood.”

Hitherto, Suntai used to strike me as a lover of the media, thanks to the efforts of his spin-doctors. Now I cannot say for sure why he showed his “true colours” in such a burst of anger. However, one can risk a guess that his current impression of journalists is a result of some unsavoury encounter with the media in the past. One of which could be his 2007 battle with Danladi Baido.

It will be recalled that Suntai did not participate in the PDP primaries of that year; the party’s candidate, Baido, was substituted with Suntai by the national headquarters of the party after Baido was disqualified two months to the election. In that strange era in our nationhood, any candidate on the ticket of the nation’s ruling party was favoured to “win” an election. With Baido’s backing, Suntai went ahead and won.

Their marriage of convenience did not last, though. What followed was a war of attrition, with the media being one of their major battle-grounds. With Baido accusing Suntai of plotting to kill him, it was an all-out propaganda war for the hearts and minds of the general public. Now, I don’t know who won the media war, but it is easy to surmise that Suntai was able to not only survive the four years of his first tenure but was also able to get re-elected last April. The media helped.

Suntai was also a victim of another war of attrition early in 2009 when a nebulous group, Concerned Indigenes of Taraba State, petitioned President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, as well as the EFCC and the ICPC, accusing him of massive corruption. He was alleged to be a freak for foreign cars, that he was also importing foreigners to replace local workers and that he was inflating contracts for road constructions for self-enrichment. Of course, these charges turned out to be false, concocted by his detractors in order to do him in, especially in the run-up to the 2011 elections. But, again, like the cat with nine lives, he survived.

There could more of such encounters.

Clearly, the governor was bruised, even if psychologically, by such brushes with media propaganda. I will not go into disputes with him except on point of his generalisations. One has heard such claims before, that the enemies of politicians – who must also be politicians – use some journalists against their opponents. However, I make bold to say that it is not all journalists that are used that way. And it is not only a Nigerian thing. The love-hate relationship between politicians and the media is a universal phenomenon which has been a subject of study right from the day journalism – or politics itself – was born.

Ironically, Governor Suntai made his assertion when launching his state-owned newspaper, the Nigerian Sunrise, on October 4. In spite of his chest-thumping that he wouldn’t have sunk public funds into the project if not for the trust he has in the management consultant of the paper, Barrister Danjuma Adamu, the mere act of giving birth to a newspaper showed that, somehow, Suntai believes in the journalism profession. The fact that someone like Adamu exists to earn his respect and trust means that there are many others like the consultant.

I’m also persuaded to believe that Suntai hopes to use the Sunrise one way or the other to advance his own causes. Of course, I wouldn’t expect him to use it against his opponents in the state the way most politicians use the media under their control. If he does that now or in the future when he removes it from state control when he leaves offices, as he vowed to do, then it would be the turn of journalists to hate him in return. But for now, we will continue to regard him as a hostile friend.

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Published in BLUEPRINT last Monday

Wangari Maathai was here

2011-10-09T04:17:00.000-07:00

She was not expected to act that way. An African woman is supposed to keep quiet and be deaf and dumb. Speaking out against perceived injustices is not her fort. It is sad that Wangari Maathai, who rejected that stereotype and spent the better part of her life trying to make our planet a better habitat, is no more. The dark-skinned Kenyan professor, who died on Sunday last week at the age of 71, was a true African daughter who channeled her energy towards doing the general good.

Maathai’s milk of human kindness was spread far and wide in the course of promoting her beliefs. This woman, whom some called the Tree Mother of Africa, campaigned for the preservation of the environment for the sustainability of the species. She believed that a healthy environment helped improve lives by providing clean water and firewood for cooking, thereby decreasing conflict. Concerned for the abject condition in which all species live in Africa, she founded the Green Belt Movement, which planted 30 million trees in the hope of improving the chances for peace. This triumph for nature inspired the United Nations to launch a worldwide campaign that resulted in 11 billion trees planted.

Even though the Green Belt Movement started as an environmental sanity group, Maathai expanded it to accommodate issues of peace and democracy. She explained that over time it became clear to her that responsible governance of the environment was not possible without democracy. “Therefore, the tree became a symbol for the democratic struggle in Kenya. Citizens were mobilised to challenge widespread abuses of power, corruption and environmental mismanagement,” Maathai said.

Was she wasting her time? The biggest destroyers of the human ecology – governments and Big Business – didn’t care. But, still, we as individuals – each one of us – have a role to play in making our habitat safe and long-lasting. If we fold our arms, the dangers posed by the depreciation of the habitat and corruption through our reckless activities would soon catch up with us.

Maathai explains this better in the film, ‘Dirt! The Movie,’ where she narrates the story of a hummingbird carrying one drop of water at a time to fight a forest fire, while animals like the elephant asked why the bird was wasting its energy. “It turns to them and tells them, ‘I’m doing the best I can.’ And that to me is what all of us should do. We should always feel like a hummingbird,” Maathai said. “I certainly don’t want to be like the animals watching as the planet goes down the drain. I will be a hummingbird. I will do the best I can.”

Geir Lundestad, director of the Nobel Institute, which awarded Maathai the peace prize in 2004, said: “Many said, ‘She is just planting trees.’ But that was important, not only from an environmental perspective, to stop the desert from spreading, but also as a way to activate women and fight the Daniel arap Moi regime.” He added, “Wangari Maathai combined the protection of the environment with the struggle for women’s rights and fight for democracy.”

Not surprisingly, for this ‘unAfrican crime’ of a woman confronting those big destroyers, she soon began to pay a price. The then dictatorial President of Kenya, Daniel arap Moi, called her “a mad woman” who was a threat to national security. She was beaten up and vilified, and her husband threw out.

Maathai’s determination of continuing to live her beliefs did not go in vain, though. Her work was recognised by governments, organisations and institutions, as well as individuals, all over the world. She received many accolades and awards, including the Nobel Peace Prize, becoming the first African woman to to do so.

Today, her great legacy is that there is more awareness about the ills of corruption, environmental degradation, the capacity of women to empower themselves without having to wait for droplets from men, and the fact that a focused and committed human spirit can never be defeated by repressive regimes. Today, we cannot say that we were not inspired by Wangari Maathai.
The question, however, is whether we will put this knowledge to use. Should we still continue to behave like those silly animals whose forest has caught fire, their habitat being inexorably consumed by the conflagration? Or should we act like the tiny bird which decided to give its widow’s mite towards containing the catastrophe? Your guess about where I stand is as good as mine, courtesy of the fact that Wangari Maathai was once here on this planet.

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Published in BLUEPRINT, on Monday

PHOTO CAPTION:

‘She only planted trees’: Wangari Maathai talking with President Barack Obama in Nairobi, Kenya, in 2006. Photo: AP

Free Palestine: Not on Obama’s watch

2011-10-09T04:10:00.000-07:00

Published in Blueprint recently:

Free Palestine: Not on Obama’s watch

Come Friday, President Mahmoud Abbas is going to table a formal request to the U.N. for the recognition of Palestine as an independent nation. In a televised address three days ago, he declared: “We are going to the United Nations to request our legitimate right, obtaining full membership for Palestine in this organisation.”

This historic moment comes at an odd time for many in the two sides of the divide. Abbas is relying on the goodwill of some nations around the globe – including Britain – that regard the Palestinian Question as an anathema in a fast democratising world.

Israel was created in 1948 following the Nazi extermination of six million Jews during the Holocaust.

As a result, millions of Palestinians were forced out of their land to live in the West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem and in exile. For over six decades, Israel has occupied most of the land, using brute force and
snubbing all entreaties and U.N. resolutions.

In arriving at this week’s milestone, much of the world believes that Palestine has a legitimate right to full statehood based on the borders of June 4, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The talk of an Arab spring and whatever promise it holds for the region rings hollow in the face of the gargantuan injustice being suffered by the Palestinians.

In his TV address Friday, Abbas pricked the conscience of the world when he said: “The United Nations was set up to protect the rights of the people, and to help people’s self-determination and to prevent occupation of others with force... As a Palestinian delegation, we take with us all the suffering and hope of our people to achieve this objective and to end the historic grievances so that we can enjoy freedom and independence inside a Palestinian state.”

The President’s going to New York is not the same thing as getting his wish, though. Already, the United States’ legendary foreign policy hypocrisy vis-à-vis the Palestinian Question is emerging. Uncle Sam is acting true to type, vowing to veto the Palestinian bid in the Security Council.

President Barack Obama has since caved in to the influence of the powerful Jewish lobby, making it clear that there shall be no statehood for Palestine now.

Those who recall Obama’s antecedent without matching it with America’s basic interest in the Middle East would be excused for getting surprised. In Cairo two years ago, the President enchanted the Muslim world when he stated emphatically, in that wondrous watershed speech, that the U.S. was going to enter into a new epoch of understanding and mutual respect with the Muslims wherever they live. Also last year, Obama stated that he hoped to see a sovereign state of Palestine join the U.N. by September 2011.

Though his stance is that Palestinian statehood should be achieved through direct talks, rather than through the U.N. bid, his comment did open a big window of hope for the beleaguered people. That window is going to be banged shut by the same leader of the free world when Abbas takes his case to the world body.

Doubting Thomases like me should not be surprised at this crude volte-face. In Cairo, Obama’s head was in the clouds about what it means to be a U.S. President, hence the lurid promises he made on peace. Two years down the line, he has woken up to the reality of what the Jewish lobby is capable of doing to an American presidency. The lobby has succeeded in arm-twisting him by portraying him as a near-enemy right from when he began to articulate his Middle East vision. At a time when the Republicans are gnawing at his hithero soar-away popularity and even snatching key Democratic enclaves in the run-up to the U.S. general elections, the President is proving his commitment to defending larger Israeli interests – principal of which is the denial of statehood to Palestine and preventing it from becoming the U.N.’s 194th member nation. Obama knows that the two-state solution cannot be achieved through direct negotiations, yet he insists on playing Prime Minister Netanyahu’s card of sticking to that unworkable formula. It is in line with America’s one-sided foreign policy of supporting the Jewish state and keeping the Palestinians in perpetual servitude.

As such, this week is bound to become just another of the many letdowns the Palestinians had seen in sixty years, including the aftermath of the now-foundering landmark 1993 Oslo peace accords. But for the Obama administration, this veto will expose the hollowness of the rhetoric about a new clime of understanding with the Muslim world. Already, many reversals have been witnessed. The veto will simply hit the final nail on the coffin of such deceptive rhetoric. One cringes to think that the world is getting back to square one.

9/11: A decade of Islamophobia

2011-09-18T01:21:00.000-07:00

Persecution of a people on account of their faith is as old as religion itself. Prophet Moses (A.S.) was hounded out of Egypt by Pharaoh when he preached the worship of none other than the One True God. Early Christianity suffered more under the Roman Empire. However, the ascendancy of Christianity as state religion from the eight century A.D. in most of Europe led to the persecution of various religious groups, including Jews and Muslims. All that was in the dark ages.

Strangely, religious minorities suffer more today when there is enlightenment and rhetorics of freedom. The situation is worse in “civilised” nations after the unfortunate attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001. Religious persecution against adherents of Islam has defined the character of state policy in those countries as a “war on terror” is fought. Violent extremism against Muslims by ordinary Westerners has increased.

In a statement last Wednesday, Minority Rights Group International (MRG), a non-governmental organisation working to secure the rights of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities and indigenous peoples worldwide, noted that in the ten years since the 9/11 attacks, ethnic and religious minorities have been targeted for large-scale human rights violations across the world, ranging from torture and extra-judicial executions to extra-ordinary rendition and restrictions on freedom of religion. In the statement, published to mark the 10th anniversary of the Al Qaida attacks, MRG (www.mrgmail.org) says the increased imposition of counter-terrorism measures by many states across the world has affected minority communities the most.

“Even though the rhetoric of ‘war on terror’ has been abandoned, the reality continues to affect minority communities worldwide,” MRG argues. “As we commemorate the terrible crimes committed on 9/11, we should also think of the tens of thousands of innocent victims killed in the wars that have followed in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan.”

In the U.S., as in parts of Europe, Muslims have come under attacks, with many killed by those who felt it was their duty to “purify” their countries of terrorists. Ethnic and religious slur, as well as racial profiling targeted at minorities, have increased, culminating into violent verbal and physical attacks, as well as various forms of discrimination. At work places, schools, airports and in the media, among others, Muslims are persecuted by bigots who look down upon them in abhorrent situations similar to those in the early years of Christianity when Christians were persecuted. One’s name or appearance is a give-away to theological fundamentalists who simply assume that anyone practising Islam is a terrorist. Examples abound, but one of the most prominent is that of Bollywood actor Shahrukh Khan’s detention at the U.S. airport of Newark, New Jersey, in August 2009 simply because of his “Muslim-looking” name. Ironically, the high profile actor was in the U.S. to shoot a movie on discrimination against Muslims in the post-9/11 world, i.e. “My Name is Khan,” which eventually became a blockbuster. Also, the killing of Al Qaida leader Osama Bin Laden by U.S. forces this year was celebrated with glee in the U.S. and other non-Muslim societies not just because of his status as the leading sponsor of terrorism but more because he was a Muslim.

This kind of profiling has seeped into otherwise peaceful multicultural societies, pitching adherents of faiths against one another. In Nigeria, where Muslims cannot by any stretch of the imagination be considered a minority, Muslims are viewed by many as terrorists because of the activities of some in sectarian violence, even if they are in it for revenge, and those who bomb places, such as the Boko Haram sect. It does not matter to theological fundamentalists that not all Muslims are terrorists and that in as much as there are Muslim terrorists, there are also non-Muslim terrorists.

It is sad that our nation has become more divided during the 9/11 decade. Leaders who ought to show good example are leading the charge in widening the gulf. Communities in Nigeria and other nations will not find peace unless all the various forms of prejudice and bigotry that trigger violence, mostly promoted by our colleagues in the media, are stopped forthwith.

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Published in my column in the current issue of BLUEPRINT

How to save the New Nigerian (3)

2011-08-22T01:23:00.000-07:00

The original idea behind establishing the New Nigerian was that it should be a newspaper which would be qualitative, well written, well designed, well marketed and commercially successful. Its guiding philosophy was that it would be produced with conscience, based on the best values the Northern Region could offer, and it would tell the truth to power. Its huge success within a few years of its establishment was owed to its sticking to that vision, and its eventual collapse was due to the abandonment of the esteemed mission. To retrieve its glory, therefore, it must go back to that pedestal on which it was put by its founders.

I will suggest a two-pronged approach towards this end. One is what its present management can – and must – do, and two is what its owners can – and must – do.

What Management Must Do

• Management should first of all wake up to the reality that going cap in hand to the owners – the 19 northern state governors – virtually begging for alms is fruitless. The reason is that the corrosion of northern cohesiveness across the years has severed the emotional bond that kept the communal ownership of institutions like NNN a priority. Besides, the governors have their own media houses to contend with. They are also pressured by private media houses for expensive “special projects.” A northern governor would rather pay a privately run newspaper in Lagos a N10 million grant for “political” reasons than fullfil his N15 million pledge to the NN.

• Rather than press the governors for cash, it is better for the management to lobby them for approval to raise the much needed recapitalisation fund through the selling off of some of the company’s fixed assets. Knowing that such approval would not touch their own budgets, the governors would find it easier to grant.

• Management should raise not less than N800 million from the selling of both the staff quarters at Malali and the property on Isa Kaita Road. Taking a bank loan should be only the last resort. If absolutely necessary, a loan can be accessed using Nagwamatse House as a collateral.
The money is for the purchase of two modern printing presses to be installed in Lagos and Kaduna (N500 million), the settling of the backlog of unpaid salaries and other entitlements and the purchase of consummables such as newsprint and computers. What is the use of those landed assets while the company is virtually in its last gasps?

• Initiate and execute a new business plan aimed at making the company profitable and competitive within very few years. Remember that it is already a global brand whose glory is only fading. Such a plan will include an aggressive rebranding campaign aimed at retaining and reclaiming old clientage as well as capturing a new generation of readers and advertisers.

• A new editorial policy should be made, consisting of the paper’s old values of being ethical, sedate, qualitative, bold and fearless, as well as new ones of fierce competitiveness in a brave new clime of modern newspaper management. To achieve this, the company must recruit a fresh crop of writers and editorial managers whose remuneration is not below the industry standard.

• Redesign the paper from the masthead to the back page.

• Create new sections in the pages and even recreate some of the old ones.

• Increase pagination from the present 40 to a minimum of 56.

• Increase the print run to a modest 20,000 for a start.

• Discard what some critics regard as the praise-singing culture by becoming bolder in “telling the truth to power.” The pervasive self-censorship regimes that have been defining management control across the years, indicative in reluctance to admit non-staff columnists, has eroded the paper’s credibility. Under the new clime, the paper should not be a toothless bulldog or a megaphone of officialdom. However, this does not mean it should be reckless, dishonest or even given to blackmail in its coverage of issues and events and commentaries. In its editorial of September 9, 1975, soon after its takeover by the federal government, the NN vowed to remain courageous and independent, saying, “We intend to continue (because) no paper worth its name will be contented to sing the praises of incumbent rulers incessantly.” Those teeth, which were lost in the years to come, must be put back.

• Go for real colour printing. The NN was a pioneer in this regard. The present printing press is too old and does not give value for money because it was not manufactured for modern colour printing; it generates the “patch patch” colours we are seeing today only through the amazing ingenuity of the production staff. There is need for a new press.

• Why not transfer the NNN headquarters from Kaduna to Abuja, the new capital of the newspaper trade in northern Nigeria? In 1964, when Mr Charles Sharp, the Briton tasked with the onerous responsibility of establising the NN after the near-collapse of the Nigerian Citizen, arrived in Kaduna for the purpose, he realised that Zaria, where the Citizen was based, was no longer suitable for siting of a daily newspaper. One of his seven reasons, as captured in Malam Turi Muhammadu’s history of the NN, titled Courage and Conviction - New Nigerian: The First 20 Years, was: “Zaria is no longer a major commercial centre – an essential requirement in the background pattern of the town chosen for the location of a daily newspaper. Because of its importance as the centre of Government, its growing commerce and its communications with Lagos and the rest of the country, I would unhesitatingly nominate KADUNA as the best Northern location for a daily newspaper.”

There is no gain saying the fact that the move from Zaria to Kaduna had helped the NN’s growth and made it effective as a leader in intellectual discourse. Kaduna, the home of the fabled “Kaduna Mafia,” was the capital of northern intelligentsia. Today, that fame has all but gone. A tectonic shift on the political scene has since occurred. Members of that “mafia” are either no more or are in winter. They are being replaced by a new northern intelligentsia located in the nation’s capital. Above all, Abuja is the hub of the nation’s policymakers, diplomatic community, political parties and second only to Lagos as a hub of business. It is easier to meet any governor in Abuja than in his state capital.

Today, the NN and the Nigerian Tribune are the only major national dailies located outside Lagos and Abuja, hence their being considered provincial. Their managing directors are always on the road to these key cities in search of revenue, and their editors lack the critical access to major news sources. This has a telling effect on their effectiveness.

The NN has dithered too long at the crossroads. Moving it to Abuja will solve many problems, including its present limited access to sources of adverts. It can be done in phases, but prevarication is costly. Start by moving the editorial, administrative and commercial departments, leaving the printing press in Kaduna for the time being. The management staff and the editors should live permanently in Abuja. The internet has solved most of the technical problems that could arise from such move. Most dailies today are being printed at more than one location.

What the Owners Must Do

In the long run, the northern state governors must have to hands off the ownership of the NNN by selling majority of their stakes to private individuals. Their 100 percent ownership of NNN does not confer on them any special or strategic privileges. Instead, the NNN is bad PR for them, reflecting their failure to salvage one of the major legacies of the founding fathers of the Northern Region. They are too busy playing politics and funding their own media houses and the private ones as to bother about the moribund NNN. They are also so disunited amongst themselves as to consider the NNN a commonweal that should be sustained through communal effort.

The NNN has, throughout its history, relied on subvention from its owners, first the Northern regional government, then the six northern states and, from September 1975 the federal government. The situation no longer works nicely. The NNN can no longer be sustained through a committee of disparate governments, each with its own priorities. Therefore, it is in the governors’ interest to embark on a privatisation excercise of the NNN. It can be done in phases.

• First, sell of at least 80 percent of the shareholding to a group of patriotic, business-minded Nigerians of diverse backgrounds (e.g. media, business, legal, religious, political, and academic), who will regard their ownership of the company as a business concern motivated by profit and patriotism. Majority of these investors should be northerners, reflecting the region’s religious and ethnic diversity. To avoid the kind of fate that befell the Daily Times today, the shares should not be sold to one person or company.

• The private investors should execute a purposive business plan aimed at recreating the NNN’s editorial glory and commercial prowess. Their plan should include recapitalisation.

• After five to ten years, the governors may choose to divest completely from the company, its private investors having put it on the path of growth.

I am sure there are some other ways of moving the company forward. But whatever they are, they should not include full ownership and control by government. That business model no longer works in the modern world.

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Published in the current issue of BLUEPRINT, on sale from today

How to save the New Nigerian (2)

2011-08-20T10:05:00.000-07:00

It would be superfluous to list the major achievements of the New Nigerian which made it the most influential newspaper in this country from the mid-1960s to the late ’80s. Suffice it to say that for about three decades after its debut on January 1, 1966, the NN was in terms of circulation, readership, believability and clout the number one newspaper of record in the country. This, of course, translates into its being the second most authoritative newspaper in Africa, after Eqypt’s Al-Ahram. Business-wise, the company owned landed property and other assets that placed it almost at par with some of the leading business conglomerates of the time.

The NN grew in leaps and bounds in its first ten years. On Wednesday, December 31, 1975, i.e. the eve of its tenth anniversary, the then Federal Commissioner of Information, Brigadier IBM Haruna, noted that the NN had won for itself “the reputation of being one of the leading and seriously regarded national dailies in this relatively short period.” He urged the company to strive and improve on its standards, adding that “the ensuing years will bear further record of higher attainments and that your conscience, integrity, wisdom and maturity, coupled with God’s blessings, shall always be realised in the country.”

Haruna’s views proved prophetic. For the next twenty years the NN continued to grow. Up till the year 2000, in spite of its deteriorating fortune, it enjoyed a relative dominance of the newspaper business, though this time in the north rather than in the whole country. But then, a lot happened which broke such dominance and brought down the paper from its high pedestal. Today, many newcomers have surpassed it by all reckoning. Its being seen on the news-stands is a miracle that is due to the doggedness of its management and other staff. Yet, circulation is low; salaries have not been paid for six months, further wrecking the morale of staff. The company is crying for help.

Many ideas have been proffered towards resuscitating the company. The NNN management insists that all it requires is big cash. This thinking, which is erroneous, has made it difficult for the management to look beyond its nose. While money makes the world go round, it does not make it a better place in which to live. Money can be gotten and finished. What the company requires is a strategic thinking of what should be done with money. Strategies are needed to re-implant the NN in the minds of its readers and capture a new generation of readers and advertisers, many of whom were not there in the paper’s apogee. The NN needs a second coming, a relaunch that would purposively put it on the path of competitiveness not only as a major news institution but also as a business enterprise. To me, in order to attain this newness, we must return to the oldness of this northern behemoth. To create a future for the NN, we must return to its past. We must examine the ashes of its faded glory in order to reinvent a solid foundation for its tomorrow.

We must remember that the NN was founded on the ashes of the Nigerian Citizen, a daily owned by the government of the Northern Region. By the late 1950s, that newspaper’s fate had become similar to that of the NN of the late 80s; its glory was crashing in an age of propaganda between the north and the south, one targeted at maximising control of the political and economic realm of the new nation. Meanwhile, as the Nigerian Citizen was going down, more gutsy southern newspapers were having a field day setting agenda for governance. The NN was conceived and set up to replace the Nigerian Citizen as a bulwark against the merciless buffeting the north was receiving from the more funded and better designed Lagos-Ibadan publications. Within a few years, it achieved huge success in its task. The measures taken to make it so are just what the NN needs today to rise from its ashes.

I will mention them (and more) in the final part of this piece, next week.

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Published in the current issue of BLUEPRINT

How to save the New Nigerian (1)

2011-08-08T05:07:00.000-07:00

Last week, the Blueprint published the story of how the Managing Director of the New Nigerian Newspapers Limited (NNN), Alhaji Tukur Abdulrahman, led his management team to the Emir of Zazzau on a courtesy call. During the visit, the MD revealed what apparently was the main purpose of the visit, i.e. to solicit the emir’s intervention in the financial crisis rocking the company. Abdulrahman was quoted to have told the emir, Alhaji Shehu Idris, that the crisis was caused by the failure of most of the 11 northern state governments to redeem their pledge of N15 million each to the company after its transfer to them from the federal government. He also told the emir that the financial crunch has affected the payment of gratuity and pension, adding, “This crisis also affects our production. Most of our machines are aged, which contributed to the backwardness of the papers.” The emir kindly directed the management to submit a written report to him for onward submission to the “appropriate quarters.”

It is sad that the company which used to be the flagship of Nigerian journalism has slid to this low ebb, forcing its management to be going round cap in hand like the ubiquitous almajirai dotting the north, looking for sadaka. The NNN was from the 1960s to the early 1980s one of the leading lights not only of the journalism profession in the country but also a huge commercial success. Its clout is symbolised in the number of seasoned journalists it produced or inspired, many of whom are still some of the major voices in our journalism, and in its landed property such as Nagwamatse House – the tallest building in Kaduna – and residential houses in Kaduna and elsewhere. Indeed, in spite of the success recorded by latter day media enterprises in the region such as Media Trust and Leadership Newspapers, NNN has retained its lead as the newspaper company with the more landed assets in the north.

The crash of the New Nigerian (NN) is an old story, dating back three decades. Spurts of a rebound and promise of a return to its past glory were shortlived and deceptive. Those of us who once worked at the NN with pride and gusto are left with agonising nostalgia over the poor state of affairs at our “journalistic alma mater.” Anyone associated with the paper, wherever he/she has moved to, looks back with pain at the inability of this bedraggled old cow to get off its hinds and sprint like in the good old days. One is bound to wonder ceaselessly why the NN remains down almost perpetually even with increased knowledge in the profession and new communication technology, as well as more literacy and expansion in social infrastructure. In the past, when it was more difficult to gather news, set it on compugraphic machines, print newspapers and distribute them, the NN had the second highest circulation figures in Nigeria, with 100,000 copies daily. It was easily the most influential newspaper in the country. Today, what one hears in the grapevine is that the company can hardly print 5,000 copies a day.

The NN is still being produced by talented and hard working staff, yet, something is missing; an evil force seems to have held it down, preventing it from rising from the ashes. It glaringly lacks the essential ingredients that made it a must read in the past: articulate writers of reckoning, modern production facilities and new editorial and managerial approaches to compete within its immediate environment in particular and the nation in general. Thus the NN is no longer well-written, well-designed and well-produced. It hardly serves any noteworthy exclusives, scintillating news features, great photography or earth-shaking interviews. Not many readers take its news and views serious, with the consequence being its poor market share in intellectual discourse and advertisement revenue. This beautiful dream of the founding fathers of the Northern Region no longer inspires awe and reverence. With this beggarly mien, it is scarcely surprising that the northern state governors don’t care to drop a coin in the NNN management’s dish to fund the newspaper’s sustenance.

To be continued

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Published in my column in BLUEPRINT today.
The above photo, by Bashir Bello Dollars of the New Nigerian, shows Alhaji Tukur Abdulrahman and the Emir of Zazzau, Alhaji Shehu Idris, during the visit.

Why It's Hard to Believe Jonathan

2011-08-05T08:39:00.000-07:00

The issue of single term tenure for the president and state governors is a natural divisive factor in Nigerian politics. The reason is due to the mutual distrust and back-stabbing which characterise our type of politics. Both President Jonathan and his spokesman Reuben Abati were miffed by what they described as the opposition parties’s “abusive” and “insulting” reaction to the President’s proposal.

The bitterness in our politics is unfortunate, but it has a history and everybody is guilty. It started right from day one when the colonialists were leaving and the race for political power became a matter of life and death amongst the various ethnic and regional blocs. The trend worsened after the British had gone as the sectional struggle – fanned by the ruling classes – continued to inflame passions among the ordinary people, culminating in death and destruction. Successive governments have failed to stem the tide. We are always pushed back to square one, always talking about “starting anew.”

Jonathan’s move to introduce a single-term tenure is all about starting afresh as he himself indicated during his speech at the Peoples Democratic Party national secretariat on Thursday. Speaking while declaring open the 56th National Executive Committee meeting of the ruling party, the President said, “If you look at the evolution of the political system, the two-tenure (term) is the ultimate. Because even countries which have single tenures, after some time go for the double tenure. So, it is like evolutionary process.”

Many observers have argued that because of the many wrong things about our system, it is better to discard it. The merit, as Jonathan argued on this matter of tenures, is that it will reduce acrimony, cut cost and lessen the desperation that comes with a two-term tenure. This, many also agreed. Where the President is distrusted is his promise that he would not become a beneficiary of the proposed single term, five-year tenure. Most Nigerians are wont to think that there is something fishy about the proposal, which appears set on consuming valuable time and some resources and diverting attention from governance.

Jonathan has the dubious record of being a president who changes the rules in the middle of the game. He is also adept at doublespeak – all with a straight face. It is too early in the day to forget how he rail-roaded his party into giving him its ticket to run for office during the April elections. The party had zoned the presidency to the north, but because Jonathan was desperate to continue ruling, all means fair and foul were employed to make him the party’s sole candidate.

Now, the factors that made him so desperate to contest in 2011 are the same that would make him want to secure a second term. One is his inability to achieve much in terms of developmental programmes during the year he ruled after Yar’Adua’s demise. Another, of course, is sweet, raw power, the prospects of which are almost endless. The third is the crowd around the President, many of whom are permanent residents in the corridors of power.

Jonathan appears deliberately confused about what the constitution provides for him. Clarifying on why he will not run for office in 2015, he said at the PDP headquarters: “The tenure of Goodluck Jonathan and Namadi Sambo will end on May 29, 2015. That is the constitution.” The truth, however, is that it wasn’t the Nigerian constitution which prevented Jonathan from running in 2015. The constitution provides for two-term tenure for the president and state governors. It was Jonathan himself who, during the 2011 presidential campaign, promised the electorate that he would not contest the election after he might have done one term. This promise was made in the heat of the hustings, at a time when victory did not appear guaranteed, a time of desperation, a time when the electorate’s trust was all that mattered. Clearly, we are back to similar times when a desperate cabal can do anything, the easiest of which is changing the rules in the middle of a game – including denying covenants solemnly made earlier – in order to cling to power.

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Published in my column in the current edition of the weekly newspaper, BLUEPRINT.

Lessons from the phone-hacking scandal

2011-07-29T01:29:00.000-07:00

The phone-hacking scandal rocking Britain – and inexorably moving to America, where Rupert Murdoch has substantial investment – may appear a far-off phenomenon to us here in Africa, but it really has lessons for the rest of us. The reason is that not only has the world shrunk into a global village, where parliamentary sessions on the ill-fated News of the World (NOTW) tabloid were beamed live to the whole world by satellite television, but also because journalism as it is being practised in the West is being aped everywhere on earth. We may argue that our newspapers, radio and TV stations are unique in many ways because of our different cultural backgrounds; the truth, however, is that the line separating Western thought and practice in most modern professions and those in other nations is very thin indeed.

That is to say there is a Murdoch in almost every nation, even in Lilliputian terms. There is also a NOTW in most of our newspapers, in as much as there is a CNN or a BBC in most TV and radio stations around the world. Moreover, there is an Andy Coulson and a Rebekah Brooks in many an editor and media executive. This is because the profit-motive has, over the years, tended to overshadow the ancient purpose of the journalism profession which says newspapers are established in order to inform, educate and entertain. They are now set up, in the main, in order to make financial gain and garner political clout.

Murdoch and his tabloid bunch have been skewered by most commentators as a rabid lot instigated by the profit motive, hence their unchecked intrusion into the private lives of politicians and celebrities. The commentators have, by taking this stand, committed the offence of someone, as a Hausa proverb says, who stands tall on the mountain of their own excesses in order to look at other people’s mountain. It’s like a person who holds a torchlight in your face and not turning it on themselves. The NOTW is just a part of the UK’s loquacious tabloid system. Its closure does not spell the end of the down-market tradition in the British press or even abroad where it is being emulated. Other tabloids, which have been as audacious in their intrusion practices as the defunct market leader, will continue to push the envelope. In short, we are all guilty. That is, every journalist or media owner.

In Nigeria, the mountain of guilt is so huge that it obfuscates our view and prevents us from seeing beyond our noses. So many media people are driven by the profit motive, thereby regarding theirs as any other business. They believe that they must make money and or accummulate political power at all cost. Hence the mad rush to outdo each other in committing many of the abhorrent unethical practices. The situation is not helped by the lack of standardisation of the profession so that only those trained in it (even at a rudimentary level) could partake in it. Worse, many half-baked or semi-literate persons have made a foray into journalism, committing all sorts of offensive practices.

Today, for all their grandstanding as anti-corruption and pro-democracy crusaders, journalists and their sponsors stand accused of all sorts of unbecoming actions. Many who write against corruption are in the forefront of not only condoning it but are also eating from corrupt practices. The saddest aspect of this is what I call the journalism of blackmail whereby persons in positions of authority are threatened with exposure/disclosure if they refuse to play ball.

Unfortunately, journalism cannot be made a profession like law, engineering and medicine because it is among the liberal arts. All attempts to achieve this through the Nigerian Press Council have failed. Now anybody who can write well and probably make some sense can become one. The option, then, is for journalists and media owners to appeal to their conscience. Without conscience, the mass media is doomed wherever it exists, more so in this part of the world where development challenges have stultified our progress as human species.

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Published in my column in the current edition of the weekly newspaper, BLUEPRINT.
Picture above shows Rupert Murdoch and Rebekah being accosted by journalists in London

Welcome, Juba, but...

2011-07-12T11:58:00.000-07:00

"After the darkness of war, the light of a new dawn is possible." – President Barack Obama on South Sudan independence on Saturday

At last, the long-awaited independence of South Sudan has come. Last Saturday, the region became the world's 196th nation, extricating itself from the control of Sudan in the north. Independence came at a price. Over five decades of two civil wars (1983-2005) had caused the killing of at least two million South Sudanese, who have also suffered ruin occasioned by discrimination, deep-seated distrust and other troubles.

Africa's longest-running conflict is indeed over, but what does independence really mean to South Sudan? The immeasurable joy and high expectations which manifested from far-flung villages all the way to the John Garang mausoleum in the capital Juba were understandable. Most analysts hope that the new continental baby will eventually meet the expectations of the traumatised nation.

U.S. President Barack Obama captured this sentiment poignantly when he told the South Sudanese: "A proud flag flies over Juba and the map of the world has been redrawn. These symbols speak to the blood that has been spilled, the tears that have been shed, the ballots that have been cast, and the hopes that have been realised by so many millions of people." Susan Rice, the U.S. ambassador to the U.N. and American envoy at Saturday's celebration, hit the nail on the head when she urged the people to begin to think towards building a country worthy of the sacrifice of all the lives lost during the five decades of conflict. "Independence was not a gift you were given. Independence is a prize you have won," she said. "Yet even on this day of jubilee we remain mindful of the challenges that await us. No true friend would offer false comfort. The path ahead will be steep... but the Republic of South Sudan is being born amid great hopes."

Indeed, the path to South Sudan’s future is strewn with thorns. The new baby has to learn to walk. In doing this, it has to grapple with internal problems like provision of critical infrastructure and regional issues relating to its unresolved conflict over the border region of Abyei — where northern and southern troops are sparring for a fight.

South Sudan being oil-rich, there are hopes and fears about what petro-dollar could bring. On one hand is the good life wealth can bring, and on the other is the social dislocation such money usually brings to oil-rich African countries. We all lament the corruption and injustices, aside the environmental pollution, which oil wealth has brought to many African nations. It is oil wealthwhich has made Nigeria one of the most corrupt and one of the poorest countries in the world.

South Sudan should try and manage its wealth very well. Its more than 8 million citizens must enjoy basic needs such as education, health services, water and electricity. It should also manage the challenges of democratic governance and insist on observing the rule of law. Conceiving a workable power-sharing system for its dozens of ethnic and military factions would go a long way in ensuring political stability, which is sorely needed for economic prosperity. Of equal importance, it must begin to diversify its oil-based economy.

The young government also faces the challenge of relating with its former overlord, Sudan. It should quickly resolve all border claims between them. Sudan may not be a great team player in that regard, more so when more than 75 percent of what was its daily oil production now belongs to the South. The two countries can ill afford to continue with their age-long enmity. As U.N. secretary-general Ban Ki-Moon said just before flying to Juba for the celebrations, "I know secession is painful, emotionally and financially... While the people of north and south Sudan will soon live in different countries, their future will be closely linked."

Ban was right.

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Published in my column in BLUEPRINT weekly newspaper, this week

Censorship: Kano's smouldering cauldron (2)

2011-07-06T02:01:00.000-07:00

The abject failure of the censorship regime in Kano State under Governor Ibrahim Shekarau was due to the lack of sincerity that dogged the whole project, as well as a deliberate policy of subjugation which aimed at throwing away the baby with the bathwater. The notion that the people appointed to administer the Kano State Censorship Board were on a pedestal where they could not be faulted was erroneous; just because the they were brandishing religious cards did not mean that they were unassailable. They were promoted as saints because doing so fitted snugly with the simple mentality of the common man, who is thought to be manipulatable by the false prophets in that government.

Had the censorship board wanted to promote Hausa film-making and make it amenable to the cultural and religious heritage of the people of northern Nigeria, it could have done any of the few of ways to go about it. It board would have formed a partnership with the right stakeholders in the industry in order to, first, put a stop to all the “undesirable elements” of movie content and, second, replace them with more wholesome productions. Instead, the chief censor, Rabo, adopted divide and rule tactics, selecting only yes-men though they could not help spearhead genuine changes. At the same time, he waged a brutal campaign against those he regarded as rebels, arresting and jailing them at will, as well as tarnishing the image of the industry in general. What followed was counter-attacks between him and his opponents; the war of attrition led to nowhere but the eventual failure of the board to sanitise the industry. At the end, Rabo himself was demystified, his holier-than-thou mien discredited.

Now, a new era appears to be on the horizon. Engineer Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso was the one who created the censorship board in 2001, during his first tenure as governor. Under him, the board was said to be lax, thus giving way to all sorts of misdemeanours which critics linked to the deterioration of both the quality of Hausa movies and the moral rectitude of movie practitoners. Shekarau tolerated much of the lapses, probably because he needed a re-election in 2007. It took the Hiyana sex scandal of 2007 to startle him into action, with the view to pleasing the mullahs.

Now that Kwankwaso is back, expectations in the industry are high. Stakeholders see him as their won. Some of them want him to appoint one of them as DG of the censorship board. They are almost doubly sure he will not “betray” them. But will he? Or won’t he?

However, it would be foolhardy of anyone in the industry to suppose that the carefree days of the past will return in this dispensation. The films will be censored because they are a veritable weapon of commiunicating ideas that impact on the society, with overarching consequences. Kwankwaso is expected should a technocrat who knows the movie business and the relevant matters of censorship. It should be somebody who can midwife the industry towards a level of professionalism not usually seen in these parts. It should be someone who will make our films competitive not only on the national scene but also continentally, from where they will be uniquely attractive universally.

This task should have no name-calling, campaign of calumny and policies that could weaken the business. Remember that one of the serious challenges facing the new government in Kano, and by extension all governments in the North, is reducing the huge army of unemployed youths roaming the streets. Kano has the largest population of unemployed youth, many of whom are not indigenes of the state – or even Nigerians. The movie-making industry has sucked in thousands of such men and women, thus contributing to the economy of the state and to its wellbeing. Governor Kwankwaso should create ways of encouraging this entrepreneurship while ensuring that it conforms to the norms of the society. There are many competent hands in Kano who can do it. Any attempt to kill the film-making business would be counterproductive and futile, just as we saw during the last censorship regime in the state.

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Published in my column in the current issue of BLUEPRINT, the weekly newspaper

Censorship: Kano’s smouldering cauldron (1)

2011-07-01T08:50:00.000-07:00

Schadenfreude, which means delighting in other people's misery, best describes the feeling of those who oppose film-making in the Hausa language when an extremist Mullah was appointed to head the Kano State Censorship Board in 2007. The man, Abubakar Rabo Abdulkareem, had made a name as a fighter against various forms of immoral acts pervading the largest city in northern Nigeria, when he worked as a commander of the Sharia police. I was one of those, I must admit, who welcomed the appointment and soon became an adviser of sorts to him on how best to go about his new job. The movie industry, of which I’m an insider, had derailed from the path carved out for it by its pioneers, most of whom had been shoved aside by get-rich-quick youths who had succeeded in capturing the market with slapdash flicks that provided ample entertainment without much intellectual value.

Then a video clip, taken with a cell phone, of an A-class Hausa actress in a sex act with an unknown money changer based in Lagos, suddenly appeared. The resultant scandal almost brought the industry to its knees due to the outcry it generated. The scandal, known as the Hiyana Affair, inspired a sense of outrage among Muslims, at the same time engendering one of the deepest wells of schadenfreude I have ever seen in my life. Responding faithfully to the gallery hubbub, Governor Ibrahim Shekarau swung into action and appointed Malam Rabo to minister to the industry. The false prophets in and outside the state government went to town, promoting the self-righteous assumption that Hausa land could do without a movie industry. Only a few months earlier, however, the warmest of romances had existed between the government and the industry. On different occasions, Malam Shekarau and the movie industry had given each other awards.

Rabo happened to be one of those false prophets. No wonder, those who initially supported him were soon disappointed. They had expected him to midwife an industry that could be modelled into a bulwark against the frightening cultural invasion by foreign films in Hausa land, by devising standards and using the established stakeholders for the purpose. Besides, this was an industry of self-employed thousands in a state with the worst employment record in the north. They realised that either the man did not understand the basic reason for his appointment or he was dutifully carrying out a hidden agenda of his paymasters’ – which was to emasculate the budgeoning industry. His stock-in-trade was ceaseless harassment of actors, producers, directors, music composers, singers, marketers, etc. In the dubious name of cleansing the industry of immorality and lawlessness, he caused many to be jailed over spurious charges, just as his agents locked up studios, retail shops and cinemas. This reign of terror forced many industry stakeholders into exile in neighbouring states, where they continued producing and marketing their products, which ironically sneaked back to Kano, the biggest market in the business.

In the long run, Rabo failed woefully. The movie-making business could not be killed in spite of the hate campaign he and his agents mounted, using false pretences. The movies never stopped rolling out, and their audience never stopped patronising them. Also, aside their propaganda value and the scoring of cheap points, the Censorship Board’s court cases did not record any remarkable success. In fact, the bright-eyed knight in shining armour was soon derobed when he was arrested by the police in an uncompromising situation with a young woman on a Ramadan night last year.

The industry finally outlived its detractors, with the voting out of the Shekarau superstructure in the recent gubernatorial election. Now another government is in place, and movie-makers, many of whom had participated actively in Governor Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso’s campaigns, are hopeful. They believe that Kwankwaso, who established the Censorship Board in the first place during his first tenure as governor, is their own and will not “betray” them. But will he really turn out to be the saviour they think he is? This is the question I wish to tackle in this column next week. God’s willing.

Published in my column in the current edition of BLUEPRINT newspaper.

On the neglect of Imam and Shata

2011-06-20T01:02:00.000-07:00

In some sections of this week’s Blueprint, there are stories about Hausa land’s foremost artistes in the areas of music and literature. Alhaji Abubakar Imam, who was born in 1911 and died in a hospital in Zaria, Kaduna State, on June 19, 1981, was the leading creative writer in Hausa land. Alhaji Mamman Shata Katsina, who died in a hospital in Kano at dawn on Friday, June 18, 1999 at the age of 76, was the leading Hausa musician of our time.

Both men showed promise in their art forms right from a very young age -- barely 16 to 19 years. By the end of each artiste’s life, he was able to attain a level of dignity, acclaim and command of a huge following, a prowess which has outlived him. Each became a fabled member of the ruling elite. Each was awarded the enviable national honour of Member of the Order of the Niger (MON) by the federal government and an honorary doctorate degree by Ahmadu Bello University.

This was because each had contributed immensely to the development of our country, using his God-given talents. As a journalist, Imam had waged a war against what he called the “three evils” militating against progress in northern Nigeria -- ignorance, indolence and poverty. He also participated in the nascent political awakening in the region. In addition, his books have remained a yardstick for measuring the sophistication of creative writing in the Hausa language.

Shata, on his part, is still entertaining us even though he is no more. His songs are played on radio and television, and they are available on CDs (courtesy of pirates) for use at home and in our cars. In them, he titillates, educates and enlightens us on all those three evils that ailed Imam during his journalism days. Shata was also an active politician in the Second Republic. He chaired the Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP) in Kankia Local Government Area and was the chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in Funtua LGA during the Third Republic. He must have, therefore, contributed to political awakening through his participation.

An interesting aspect of the life of these two geniuses is that while they had great opportunities to accumulate wealth, they didn’t. Many would be surprised to know that Shata in particular, whom some think was stinkingly rich, died almost a pauper. He lived as a humble man who would give away the monies and goods he received from his benefactors to lesser mortals, the way his father Alhaji Ibrahim Yaro did in his own lifetime.

Last week, Imam clocked 30 years in death and Shata clocked 12. This year also marks the centenary anniversary of the birth of Imam. While it is a matter of joy that we are still around to witness this epoch, a careful look at the family of each of these men shows that the memory of each one of them has not been given its due by those who should do so. In fact, it is sad that their families are left to fend for themselves without having an opportunity to reap from the fruits of their father’s/husband’s labour.

While Imam’s children live a comparatively better life because of the education they acquired, most of Shata’s sons -- and the wives he left behind -- are struggling. Some of Shata’s daughters are better off because they got higher education (at least four have acquired university degrees), but generally the family seems to have been abandoned by our thankless society.

This sob-story is similar to those of many other artistes in this country. My association with a variety of artistes has exposed me to many situations that make me sad any time I recall their fate. Almost all the artistes who were a cynosure of the society’s eyes at one time or the other have been left to their own devices; many are sickly or existing on the verge of penury.

Governments at local, state and federal levels should do something to redeem this ugly situation. There should be a hall of fame funded by various levels of government, and NGOs dedicated to the betterment of the life of artistes who have reached old age and their families when they are no more. It is an insult to the memory of people like Shata that even the name of the street where he lived for decades has not been changed to his name. The Katsina State government should find a way to not only immortalise this music giant but also assist his family; Imam, who was originally from Niger State, also had strong links to Katsina. With the right will, it can be done.

Published in my column in this week's edition edition of our weekly newspaper, BLUEPRINT, out today.

Photos above: Alhaji Abubakar Imam; Alhaji Mamman Shata (right) with a former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Dr Aliyu Modibbo Umar, who was a Shata benefactor

Boko Haram: Something Has To Give

2011-06-18T14:43:00.000-07:00

The polity in the northern part of this country has been inexorably heating up in recent times. Insecurity in this region used to be confined mainly to robbery and political assassination, as well as occasional bursts of sectarian violence defined as religious and ethnic crises, most of which the police have failed to solve. The biggest threat to life and property today, however, is the spiralling increase in bombings and the scare they inspire in our communities. Of particular concern are the activities of the now famous religious sect, Boko Haram.

This sect used to be based only in Maiduguri, Borno State, as well as parts of Yobe and Bauchi states, but it appears that it is now festering in Kaduna. Indeed, security analysts fear that the phenomenon may extend to other states.

Clearly, the problem is refusing to be contained; it is rather worsening, with bombs going off in Maiduguri any time the sect wants. Presently, a bomb scare in Kaduna and environs is threatening the peace and stability of the whole state. Wherever the bombs went off – in Maiduguri, Bauchi, Kaduna, Suleja, and even in Abuja – they left in their wake the death of innocent people, destruction of property and a huge cloud of fear.

A great deal of damage has already been done on both sides: from the massacre of religious militants by the security forces and revenge killings of policemen, soldiers, politicians and civil servants to the destruction of property owned by individuals and government.

The damage done to the national psyche by this scary development is unquantifiable. The society has been divided into bits and pieces – among the Muslims and between Christians and Muslims. There is a worsening crisis of confidence among the populace, a crisis which has since redefined the meaning of the word ‘North.’ If this pervasive cloud of fear and uncertainty continues unchecked, as it seems to be doing right now, only God knows what will become of this region (and by extension the whole country) in the next few years.

What are the nation’s leaders doing about the problem? So much on the surface, but virtually nothing in concrete terms. Nothing exemplifies this disturbing reality more than the high-level security meeting headed last week by Vice-President Mohammed Namadi Sambo in his office in Abuja. The meeting, attended by top security chiefs and the Borno State governor, portrayed the leaders’ dilemma and helplessness over the Boko Haram challenge. Their hair-brained solution to the problem, in summary, is the carrot-and-stick approach. It means, as Governor Kashim Shettima revealed after the meeting, that the federal and the state governments are going to try to cajole the Boko Haram to a peace meeting, the failure of which would lead to a vociferous crackdown on the sect, using all the firepower at government’s disposal. Government cannot afford to appear weak, he said.

A similar threat, it should be remembered, did not succeed with the Niger Delta militants. What succeeded eventually was a political solution, whereby President Umaru Yar’Adua announced an unconditional amnesty for all the anti-oil exploration insurgents. This came after a massive bombardment of the militants’ camps failed to bear fruits. It was the amnesty deal, rather than the military action, which drew the militants out of their riverine hideouts to presidential red carpet in Abuja.

Now, while the Niger Delta militants had identifiable political and military leaders, Boko Haram’s are completely unknown. To draw them out, the government must abandon all threats of a military crackdown and insist on a political solution. The new Borno governor has wisely offered an olive branch, which the insurgents rejected; he should follow that up with a cessation of security onslaught. President Goodluck Jonathan should also announce an unconditional amnesty and begin to implement developmental programmes that will address the perceived injustices done to a great number of interest groups in the North. He should remember that it was police action, followed by a massive military onslaught, which instigated the insurgency. Former governor Ali Modu Sheriff exacerbated it by continuing with the crackdown. Now something has to give. The bloodshed is enough, please.

Published in my column in BLUEPRINT newspaper on Monday, June 13, 2011

The best revenge for Kwankwaso

2011-06-08T12:48:00.000-07:00

One of the hotly contested gubernatorial elections this year was the one in Kano State, where Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso made a dramatic return to the seat he lost in 2003. The stakes were high, and the pressure feverish, because of the fact that Engineer Kwankwaso’s 2003 defeat was one of the greatest humiliations ever suffered by a Nigerian politician. In that election, the opposition ANPP successfully wrested the baton from his firm grip in spite of all the fabled power of incumbency. The new government, under a rustic former schoolteacher, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, decided to worsen Kwankwaso’s woes by instituting a commission of enquiry which, ultimately, indicted him. The purpose of that commission, as many analysts saw, was to portray the ousted governor as a criminal and foreclose his chance of bouncing back as a politician of reckon. Indeed, several attempts were made to have Kwankwaso arrested. But they failed, mainly because the government at the centre was a PDP one. Indeed, as a slap on the face of the ANPP administration, Kwankwaso was made foreign minister. From that vantage point, he retained his relevance in his state. The bitterness and acrimony between him and Shekarau, however, ran through all the eight years that the latter held sway in the state. So overwhelming was the power wielded by Shekarau that many political pundits wrote Kwankwaso off.

As it turned out, however, not only was Kwankwaso able to survive his detractors, he was also able to win back his gubernatorial seat, no thanks to the deadly in-fighting within the ANPP in the state and Shekarau’s unwise decision to leave his primary constituency in search of the presidency.

Now, ever since Kwankwaso’s triumphant re-entry into Government House, many analysts have smelt the blood of revenge even before he started sharpening his knife. It was felt that a Kwankwaso government was bound to take its pound of flesh from its predecessor’s. One of the reasons being adduced was that since Shekarau had mauled his own predecessor so mercilessly, he should not expect any sympathies, too. Indeed, pronouncements coming from the Kwankwaso administration’s would-be officials have since confirmed fears that revenge was really on the drawing board. Even though the returnee governor has tried, in his press interviews, to dispel that notion, his body language and other pronouncements are suggesting the contrary. I feel that many in Kano would be hugely disappointed if Kwankwaso does not probe Shekarau and wash the Malam’s dirty linen in Sabon Gari Market.

But is there a need to run a revenge government in the manner some Kanawa and others want? The answer is no. It is not in the real interest of the people of Kano, including the Kwankwaso crowd, to commit themselves to “exposing” Shekarau with the view of “showing him for what he is”, as the rhetoric goes. My reason is that operating a revenge regime would be time-wasting, costly and obfuscating the real purpose of winning the election. It would create more bad blood and tension amongst the people just as it would divert attention from governance and holding elected officials to account.

The main reason Kwankwaso was re-elected was the Kanawa’s dire need for change. Their heroic decision to bring back a man who was so maligned that you would think he could never win an election in his street was the biggest confirmation that the people wanted him to come and complete the developmental projects he started before he was shown the door in 2003.

The sweetest revenge Kwankwaso should take against Shekarau, if ever there should be one, is to disappoint those goading him into launching a revenge mission and, instead, concentrate all his energies on executing developmental projects. I tend to believe that that’s why he sought re-election, and not an ego-trip of “proving Shekarau wrong” and avenging some wrongs. After all, God, who brought him back, has shown His magnanimity by proving the sceptics wrong. The best appreciation Kwankwaso should give the Almighty is to work selflessly for the electorate who yearn for better education, security, atmosphere for trading, water, health care and other dividends of democracy.

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Published in the current edition BLUEPRINT, our weekly newspaper

Jang's 'Operation Rainbow'

2011-05-27T03:26:00.000-07:00

A brand new security outfit, “Operation Rainbow,” has begun an arduous task of bringing permanent peace to beleaguered Plateau State. Set up by the state government with the support of the President, it is made up of 3,250 personnel consisting 10 youths from each of the 325 wards in the state who will serve as “neighbourhood watch men.” These watch men will not, however, carry arms at all; other members of the outfit, about 2,000 men drawn from military and paramilitary outfits, are the ones who will.

There is confidence in the government’s circles that the new arrangement will work. One hopes that it does. However, beyond keeping an eye on neighbourhoods, are there other measures being put in place to consolidate on any gains to be made by the current initiative? The Plateau saga has developed deep roots of animosity in recent years, but the main questions towards finding lasting solutions are just few.
In my piece, “Taking the Devil Out of Plateau,” which was published in my back-page column in the Leadership Weekend on January 1, 2011, I argued that the cycle of sectarian violence in this once-serene state, which has consumed hundreds if not thousands of innocent lives, was caused principally by the personal leadership style of Governor Jonah David Jang. Hitherto, most observers had referred to a nebulous “failure of leadership”. But I wrote: “A wide spectrum of opinion in and out of Plateau is agreed on one indisputable fact: Jang is part of the problem – if not THE problem – in the resolution of the Plateau conundrum. His failure to provide statesmanlike leadership in his domain, by either wilfully fanning the embers of the crisis or from sheer incompetence, has been an obstacle in the way of finding a lasting peace. Many Christian leaders who are not afraid to tell the truth believe that the governor is pitifully incapable of solving this seemingly intractable problem; instead, he has been chasing shadows – such as blaming his opponents within his own political party. This gargantuan failure is responsible for the unending calls from both sides of the divide for the imposition of a state of emergency in the state.

“In more civilised climes, Jang would have resigned from office long ago. Amazingly, he is eyeing another four-year term as governor! But it is imperative for him to quit the Rayfield Government House at the end of his first four-year tenure and not seek re-election. This is because it is easy to surmise that four more years of him as governor could mean four more years of conflict in Plateau State; four more years of hundreds or thousands killed, and four more years of the wild goose chase and failure to end the inter-ethnic and inter-religious divisions in the state...

“If Jang refuses to see the light and decides to carry on at all cost, then the good people of Plateau State must vote him out this year. In a democratic dispensation, and with the promise of free and fair polls, any recalcitrant politician must be shown the door by the electorate in a peaceful manner.”

Well, as it turned out, Jang was able to secure for himself that coveted second term, benefiting from the special status the ruling PDP conferred on Plateau. The question now is whether Jang has learned any lessons from his bloody first term vis-a-vis the security situation in his state. If he has, then, is “Operation Rainbow” a part of his plans to ensure that the murderous killings are not repeated? I sorely want my prediction of a second Jang tenure to be disproved because the killing of a single soul gives me the jitters. Plateau must never be allowed to burn again. And all depends on the manner and style the governor decides to administer the state. If he has learnt to stop blabbing about the ‘indigene’-versus-‘settler’ dichotomy imposed by politicians like him, and if he regards himself as the father of all in the state and rules fairly and justly, then things would fall in place.

Here is wishing “Operation Rainbow” good luck and praying that Plateau will live in peace forever and ever. Amen.

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Published in the current issue of BLUEPRINT

Is Sanusi pushing us towards the Stone Age?

2011-05-27T03:21:00.000-07:00

Malam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi is a man whose sense of judgement I would not rush to condemn. His anti-corruption crusade in the banking industry has led to the jailing of hitherto untouchable bank executives and the bail-out of the five big banks that were brought almost to their knees by those thieving, irresponsible bank CEOs, among others. Sanusi’s watershed actions have been endorsed by highly regarded international agencies. Some youths are so proud of the Kano prince that they have in recent times begun a SLS-for-President-in-2015 campaign on Facebook; they see in him a credible, formidable candidate the North could present in the next polls.

My faith in the man, however, faltered recently when the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) announced a policy that would limit cash withdrawals by individuals to N150,000 and by corporate bodies to N1 million only per day. “Silly,” was the word that first came to mind, knowing that in our kind of society the policy would surely bomb even before it takes off. The CBN intends to start operating the policy from June 1, next year, in the urban centres of Lagos, Aba, Port Harcourt, Abuja and Kano. The idea, according to the smart alecks under Governor Sanusi, is to encourage the nation to start moving towards a “cashless economy” such as the ones we see in developed countries.

On face value, the policy is good because it is an extension of the CBN governor’s legendary anti-corruption fight; it is believed by its supporters that most huge chunks of money withdrawn from banks are for corrupt purposes like money laundering and payment of kickbacks. It would check inflation, they say. The policy, according to these proponents, would also discourage the movement of huge sums that should remain in bank vaults. Moreover, it would help modernise our financial system further and bring it closer to those of developed economies.

Granted that these are welcomed ideas. But would they translate into the overnight modernisation of the system? In the first place, the policy is cumbersome; one Facebooker wondered: “So, if I want to use let’s say N750k from my account, does that mean I should start withdrawing from Monday, each day N150k?” This shows that the amounts pegged are too small. This fact is even more glaring when you consider that our economy is not THAT developed; people are still learning how to use simple devises such as the ATM, with many in fact running away from them. Credit card usage is very minimal.

I also beg to disagree with those who claim that most huge withdrawals are for laundering, kickbacks and money politics. Crooks can still do these within the proposed limits as they are going to find ways to circumvent the rules in spite of the CBN’s threat. For instance, individuals would register fake companies in order to be able to withdraw high sums for personal use. I rather tend to look at the mind-boggling cash transactions taking place in our big markets, where grain merchants, cloth dealers, car sellers, etc., engage in mostly gargantuan cash transactions.

The CBN has over 12 months to force the policy down our throats, as such there is time to re-examine it. The first thing the apex bank should consider is the small size of the pegged amounts. One, therefore, suggests that the withdrawal limits should be raised to N500,000 for individuals and N3 million for corporate customers. Two, the bank should extend the take-off date of the policy by another year. Within this period, it should gear attention towards readying the country for an electronic economy, complete with a suffusion of credit card usage nationwide and strengthening of the naira’s value, among others. We should take note that enforcing Sanusi’s new initiative without amendments could virtually take the nation back to the Stone Age where monies were kept under beds or, to put it appropriately, under stones. Needless to say, thieves and armed robbers would find it easier to collect money from persons and families who are forced to keep their cash within reach.

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Published in the 1st issue of BLUEPRINT, on May 16, 2011

A Bermuda Triangle Called Gonin Gora

2011-05-27T03:18:00.000-07:00

Mohammed Bawa, a colleague of ours in the ‘pen-pushing’ profession, had bid farewell to his family and friends, finished a few chores at the office of another colleague, and drove out of Kaduna. He was in high spirits, especially as he was driving a car he had wanted to buy from his friend. Indeed, he had dropped his old jalopy at the friend’s office and “seized” this one, joking that they would settle on the price when he came back from Abuja. Now his mind was focussed on the business that was taking him to the nation’s capital. I imagine that he was whistling out of joy and sense of fulfilment.

At Gonin Gora, a suburb of Kaduna, the road was suddenly blocked by some youths who were carrying an assortment of weapons and mouthing expletives. Before he knew it, Bawa was being attacked by the youths. He could not save himself. The story we heard later was that he was killed right there in his car just as the vehicle was set ablaze by his attackers.

That gruesome event took place on Monday, February 21, 2000. Bawa, the first managing director of Desmims Independent Television (DITV), Kaduna, which prides itself as the first privately owned TV station to go on air after the liberalisation of the broadcasting industry by the Babangida administration, was not murdered because of any fault of his; it was merely on account of his being a Muslim. Many who heard about the incident wondered why he ventured out of town at that time when there was palpable tension throughout Kaduna State on that day. The tension was caused by the decision of the state government to introduce the Sharia legal system as demanded by Muslim citizens. A 15-member, all-Muslim committee had been set up by the state House of Assembly, which had submitted a report that said it had received 133 oral presentations, out of which only 13 were against the introduction of Sharia in the state. It had also collected 267 written memoranda, out of which only seven were against Sharia implementation.

The conflict, which raged for two days, spread to other towns like Kafanchan and Zaria, and flared in faraway Lagos, Aba and Umuahia. The police claimed that 700 people were killed, but independent sources said it was thousands. The government said hundreds were injured, while 1,950 buildings, 746 vehicles, 55 mosques and 123 churches were destroyed. It was one of the deadliest ethno-religious crises ever seen in this country, with sophisticated weapons such as rocket launchers, bombs, grenades and locally-made pistols freely used.

Gonin Gora, where Bawa was killed, is especially significant because of its position in such conflicts. Its placement on an important thoroughfare which links the nation’s capital to Kaduna, Kano, Jigawa, Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto and Kebbi states makes it symbolic in the kind of brutal social relations existing between Christians and Muslims in the north. Because it consists of a largely Christian population, Gonin Gora has become a Bermuda Triangle of sorts to Muslims whenever a conflict occurs. During the recent post-election conflict, many unsuspecting Muslim travellers were killed there, and properties belonging to Muslims were destroyed, especially on the first day before security forces were deployed to sanitise the situation. During the violence, Gonin Gora was a no-go area for any Muslim traveller.

But, then, there are many Gonin Goras in the north. There are areas where Christians are trapped and killed as soon as sectarian conflicts break out. They become impassable to Christians. In fact, I know areas in Kaduna where a Christian dares not live, and there are some where a Muslim cannot live.

Such Bermuda Triangles are, however, a recent phenomenon. Kaduna and many other towns used to have mixed populations, with Christians and Muslims living and relating freely with one another -- eating together, celebrating together, mourning together and dreaming together. There is need to bring back such halcyon times, otherwise the search for peace in our communities would continue to be elusive.

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Published in the preview edition of BLUEPRINT

Lola Shoneyin’s Night

2011-03-19T16:23:00.000-07:00

Shoneyin reading from her book last night. Photo (left) by me

Last night, between 4-7 pm, the Abuja branch of the Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA) held a poetry reading session to mark the World Poetry Day. I attended the event which held at Harmonia Hotel in Garki, Abuja. And I was glad I did; reason: I was opportune to “catch up” with faces on the Nigerian literary scene I had not seen in months (some in years). They included the two guest poets, Lola Shoneyin and Kabura Zakama, both of whom are upcoming young writers who have since been making waves in the circle of Nigerian writing. There was also frontline poet and scholar, Prof. Remi Raji, head of the Department of English, University ofIbadan, who came specifically to canvass support for his candidature for the presidency of ANA. And there were many others: Ahmed Maiwada, Odoh Diego Okenyodo, Jerry Adesewo, etc. It was a great fraternity.

It was nice for me to see Mrs Shoneyin after so many years. The last time we met was in Ilesha, Osun State, in 1998, during the national convention of ANA. That was the year her first book, a collection of poems with the longish title, “So All The Time I Was Sitting On An Egg,” was published. Her name on the book cover then was Titilola Alexandra Shoneyin. I had gone to last night’s event with a copy of the book, which she autographed for me on October 30, 1998, thinking she was going to read from it. But as it turned out, she read from her newest poetry collection, “For the Love of Flight,” published in 2010 by Cassava Republic, Abuja.

Lola Shoneyin read first, followed by Kabura Zakama. The latter presented poems on his lost love as well as on the state of Nigerian democracy. One poem dealt with his inability to express his love to a particular woman, and another was on the farce called civilian rule in this country. Zakama explained that he began to write “anger poetry” during the military rule of Gen. Sani Abacha.

Shoneyin read four poems: “The Head Story,” “Distance,” “For Kiitan,” and “Jolademi,” the last two being the names of her sons. All the poems she read were autobiographical, and the poetess captivated the audience with giving a background to each of the poem, i.e. why it was written. This opened a window into the poem for the listener. But Maiwada, the poet-novelist, disagreed with this style, telling the audience that a poet should not “guide” the reader towards an understanding of the poem but should rather read it straight away, leaving the listener to their imagination. Shoneyin explained that she did this on purpose, with the audience in mind.

I should argue that Shoneyin may be seen to have matured physically in the last 13 years since I saw her; I am not sure she had gotten married at that time. Now she is a mother of four children. Creativity-wise, if I dare say her poetry has improved, I would be insinuating that “Sitting On An Egg” was less imaginative than “For Love of Flight.” For me, the former is as creative as any other work she has produced in between these years. I have read it several times over and marvelled at not only the frankness with which she skewered my gender but also the well of imagination from which she drew her scintillating verse. (NB: I have not seen her second volume of poetry, “Song of a Riverbird” yet). Arguably, Shoneyin is one of the best poetry-writers in Africa (and elsewhere) whose works I have come across since 1998.

I pray that this woman of letters beat the other 19 nominees to win the Orange Prize for Fiction, for which she was nominated last week with her novel, “The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives.” I have not read the book yet, but knowing from which mind it came I have no doubt about its potential for winning a big laurel such as this. (I bought my copy last night during the reading session, together with Shoneyin’s children’s book, “Mayowa and the Masquerades,” which she autographed for my daughter, and which I finished reading as soon as I got back home!).

Both Shoneyin and Prof. Raji will remain in Abuja till tomorrow Monday for the 1st Korea-Nigeria Poetry Feast. Raji is guest poet while Shoneyin, together with Okenyodo and Hajo Isa, will read from their collections. So that’s another opportunity to hear from these wonderful people who labour through their God-given talents to show us the joys and follies of our lives.

The Do-Or-Die Obasanjo

2011-03-08T14:43:00.000-08:00

General Olusegun Matthew Okikioa Aremu Obasanjo is one of the luckiest Nigerians. Providence has been so kind to him that he has been able to become almost whatever he had wanted to become. He has been so lucky all his life that his first name should have been Goodluck, not Olusegun. But, yes, ‘Olusegun’ carries with it some heavenly quality, too, because it means “The Lord is victorious”. So, the man has been victorious – over his friends and enemies alike, and over the rest of Nigerians. Apart from being stupendously rich, he enjoys good health; you hardly hear him being rushed into emergency ward or flown abroad for a check on some debilitating ailment. He is also the only Nigerian who ruled the country twice. At least one other Nigerian had tried it and failed, i.e. Muhammadu Buhari, who is still trying.

Obasanjo is also very clever, hence his capacity for leading an intellectual charge even against his worst adversaries. You cannot be dumb and still be able to hold this country by the jugular. Or be the author of several books – Nzeogwu; Not My Will; My Command; This Animal Called Man, among others.

Furthermore, he cheated death many times and seemed to have derived some measure of advantage from his misfortunes. Firstly, he survived the Civil War, in which he commanded the Army’s 3 Marine Commando Division. The war’s fallout, especially the corruption and indolence that set in, conferred on him another opportunity; he became the No. 2 man in the military regime of General Murtala Muhammed. Secondly, Obasanjo was said to have been marked for elimination among some other top military officers in the February 13, 1976 coup d’etat organised by Col. Dimka and Co., but Obasanjo, the then Chief of General Staff, escaped unhurt because the coupists mistook another officer’s car for his. He went on to become head of state because Murtala lost his life in the bloody putsch. Thirdly, he survived the Abacha junta’s gruesome plan for him when he was imprisoned for alleged coup-making. His former deputy, Major-Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, wasn’t so lucky; he died in prison. Obasanjo not only survived to tell the story, he also benefited from the confusion that followed the whirlwind Abacha years; he became an elected president in 1999.

With these, one expects Obasanjo, arguably a self-made man, to be amply contented. But the man seems to be restless and perennially insatiable for power and riches. His middle name should have been Controversy, not Aremu. If I were him, I would hate the reputation of being the most controversial former head of state, whose every word has the notoriety of leading the headlines the very next day. Indeed, I would not continue to be controversial, mischievous, or unnecessarily courting trouble. Instead, I would be philosophical, staid, statesmanlike. I would be like Gowon or Shagari.

A number of incidents in recent times have shown that the 74-year-old Obasanjo isn’t interested in becoming a statesman in the mould of Nelson Mandela, Jimmy Carter or John Major. His victory in the 2003 elections through massive rigging was one. The second was his failed third term bid. The third was his tackle against Atiku Abubakar. The fourth was imposition of Umaru Yar’Adua as president in the 2007 polls not minding the possibility that the man might die in office, causing an intractable political crisis. The fifth was his clinging to the ruling PDP’s board of trustees as chairman, becoming alpha and omega whose word is supposed to supersede the president’s; remember the attempt he made to change the party’s constitution in his favour. The sixth was/is his continuous dabbling into governance and refusal to allow President Jonathan to rule the country his own way. Time magazine once quoted a Western diplomat saying, while describing Obasanjo’s role in the current political system, “He intends to sit in the passenger seat giving advice and ready to grab the wheel if Nigeria goes off course.” This means the former president believes that he alone has the monopoly of answers to Nigeria’s problems and must of necessity guide whoever comes to rule the country.

What inspired this rumination was the statement Obasanjo made on Tuesday during the PDP presidential rally in Lagos. Four days ago, The Punch reported that the former president told the crowd at Tafawa Balewa Square that next month’s general election is a do-or-die one. The translation of a song he sang in his native Yoruba that day says: “Obasanjo cannot condone, Obasanjo would resist if we vote and we don’t win.” Simply put, Obasanjo was saying that the present administration was admitting the possibility of its losing the election but would not accept Nigerians giving their mandate to any candidate other than Jonathan.

The newspaper recalled that Obasanjo had made a similar but much clearer threat during the build-up to the 2007 election. On February 10, 2007, during a meeting of PDP stakeholders in Abeokuta, Obasanjo had said that the elections were a do-or-die affair for his party. “This election is a do-or-die affair for me and the PDP. This coming election is a matter of life and death for PDP and Nigeria,” he was quoted as saying. Pray, how cruder could a former leader be? Many analysts were quick to point out, in retrospect, that the massive rigging that characterised that year’s elections had been carefully planned months earlier and brutally executed by Obasanjo and his goons.

Are we seeing a replay of that scenario? The goings-on in Ogun State, where the former president is pitted against the state governor for the control of the party’s machinery, attests to Obasanjo’s do-or-die propensity. Add that to the unguarded statements Chief Tony Anenih and some other PDP apparatchiks are making during the ongoing hustings, and your puzzle is solved. Surprisingly, Jonathan’s song is different. As opposed to his elders’ chest-thumping, the president has been preaching the gospel of peace, promising free and fair polls and his readiness to quit if he loses. But who should we believe – the commander-in-chief or his commanders who hold the nation by the jugular?

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Published on the back page of LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, last Saturday

Masu kunnen }ashi!

2011-03-08T14:37:00.000-08:00

A makon jiya, gidan talabijin na CNN ya tambayi ]aya daga cikin ’ya’yan Shugaba Muammar Gaddafi na }asar Libya, wato Saiful-Islam Gaddafi, abin da mahaifin sa da ’yan gidan su za su yi tunda ga shi ’yan }asar su na zanga-zangar }in amincewa da mulkin su. Shin za su tsere ne kamar yadda shugaban Tunisiya ya yi, ko }a}a? Sai ya amsa da cewa: “Mu na da Dabara ta 1, da Dabara ta 2 da kuma Dabara ta 3. Dabara ta 1 ita ce za mu ci gaba da zama har mu mutu a Libya. Dabara ta 2 ita ce za mu ci gaba da zama har mu mutu a Libya. Dabara ta 3 ita ce za mu ci gaba da zama har mu mutu a Libya.”

Manufar sa dai ita ce ba za su ta~a barin Libya ba, sai dai a mutu!

Akwai mutum hu]u a cikin ’yan kwanakin nan da su ka yi kunnen uwar shegu da bu}atar da ’yan }asashen su su ke da ita ta cewa lallai su sauka daga karagar mulki don a fito da tsarin mulki irin na dimokira]iyya a }asashen nasu. Wa]annan mutane su ne Shugaba Zine El Abidine Ben Ali na }asar Tunisiya, da Hosni Mubarak na Masar, da Laurent Gbagbo na Cote d’Ivoire, da kuma na baya-bayan nan, wato Kanar Gaddafi na Jamhuriyar Larabawa ta Libya. |ata lokaci ne in tsaya ina fa]a maku cewa tun tuni biyun farko cikin su su ka ari takalmin kare, su ka arce, sannan sauran biyu sun kafe, sun ce ba za su yarda su bar mulki ba ko da kuwa za a yi asarar rayuka ne. Gbagbo ya na tirka-tirka da abokin hamayyar sa na siyasa, wato Malam Alassane Ouattara, wanda shi ne ya lashe babban za~en da aka yi a }asar amma an hana shi kar~ar ragamar mulki, sannan duk }asashen duniya sun yi Allah-wadai da }e}asa }asar da shi Gbagbo ]in ya yi. Har yau ]in nan ana fafatawa a wannan }asar da ke yankin Afrika ta Yamma. A ranar Alhamis ta makon jiya, an yi musanyar harsasai tsakanin ~angarorin biyu a babban birnin }asar, wato Yamoussoukro. Hukumar kula da ’yan gudun hijira ta Majalisar [inkin Duniya (UNHCR) ta ruwaito cewa a}alla mutum 20,000 ne su ka tsere daga sassan birnin Abidjan washegari, su ka nemi mafaka a wasu unguwannin.

Babu ruwan wa]annan mutane masu kunnen }ashi da sauraren wani bahasi ko lalama. Da Ben Ali da Mubarak sun sha alwashin cewa ba za su ta~a sauka daga mulki ba har illa masha Allahu, wai gwamma su yi shahada, to yanzu kuma ga Gaddafi ya na fa]in haka shi ma. Babu shakka, na san akwai ire-iren wa]annan shugabannin da dama a nan Afrika da kuma yankin Gabas ta Tsakiya. To amma mutanen su ba za su sake yarda su na yaudarar su da }aryar cewa su ’yan kishin }asa ne ko kuma masu }in jinin Amurka ba ne. Jama’a sun riga sun }yaro su, ba su bu}atar komai sai sauyi daga mulkin danniya zuwa mulkin dimokira]iyya. Tuni jama’ar }asashen Yemen, Bahrain, da Jodan su ka shiga sahun takwarorin su na Tunisiya; dubban mutane sun fito kan tituna su na zanga-zangar bu}atar sauyin siyasa. Mugun martanin da shugabannin su su ke aika masu, sam, bai karya masu lago ba.

A yanzu dai rikicin }asar Libya wanda duk duniya ta fi sa wa ido saboda muhimmancin sa, ya fara hawa hanyar da rikice-rikicen Tunisiya da Masar su ka hau tun daga watan Janairu. Don haka za mu iya cewa ramin }aryar Gaddafi }urarre ne. Duk da irin cika-bakin da ya ke yi, shi da ]an sa Saiful-Islam, akwai alamun cewa mulki ya soma su~uce masa, tunda ga shi ’yan tawaye sun amshe rabin }asar daga hannun sa. Gwamnatin sa, kamar ta Mubarak, ta ginu ne bisa ru~a~~en kadarkon da iyalan sa da ’yan }abilar sa su ka tallabe. To amma tsawon shekaru 40 da aka yi ana mulkin kama-karya ya sa wannan kadarkon bai da sauran }arko a zamanin yau. Tuni duniya ta sauya, amma su wa]annan masu mulkin danniyar da ke Afrika da yankin Gabas ta Tsakiya sun kasa fahimtar hakan. Ba fa zai yiwu ka ci gaba da mulkar jama’a a tsawon lokaci ba tare da ka take ha}}in ]an’adam ba. Mutane ba za su ci gaba da bu}atar ka ba ko da kuwa ka cimma nasarorin gina }asa kamar yadda Gaddafi ya yi. Za su so su samu sauyi, su ]an sarara.

Shure-shure bai hana mutuwa, Gaddafi zai fa]o }asa warwas domin kuwa dukkan dalilan da su ka sa aka cimma nasara a juyin-juya-hali a Tunisiya da Masar akwai su a wannan kacaniyar ta Libya. Na farko, jama’ar Libya su na zanga-zangar bu}atar ya sauka daga mulki a birane da dama. Na biyu, mutane ’yan asalin wasu }asashen su na ta guduwa daga }asar a yayin da wutar rikicin ke }ara ruruwa. Na uku, wasu manyan }usoshin gwamnatin sa su na ta yin murabus. Sun ha]a da ’yan Tawagar Libya a Majalisar [inkin Duniya a birnin Jeniba, wa]anda su ka aje aiki a daidai lokacin da ake taron Cibiyar Kare ’Yancin [an’adam ta Majalisar [inkin Duniya a ran Juma’a ta makon jiya. Sa’annan su ma ’yan tawagar Libya a taron {ungiyar {asashen Larabawa (Arab League) sun aje aiki a birnin Al}ahira ran Juma’ar makon jiya, su ka ce su yanzu wakilan talakawan Libya ne ba na Gaddafi ba. Na hu]u, manyan }asashen duniya, wa]anda duk mai mulkin danniya zai bu}aci tagomashin su, sun juya wa Gaddafi baya. Akwai ha]in gwiwa a tsakanin su kan yadda za a tunku]o da gwamnatin sa, ta hanyar yin amfani da hanyoyin diflomasiyya da na kafafen ya]a labarai. Shi ya sa a kowane lokaci ba labarin da ake yi a manyan tashoshin talabijin na duniya irin su CNN da Aljazeera da BBC World sai na Libya. Hakan ya taimaka wajen harbo gwamnatocin danniya na Tunisiya da Masar. {asar Faransa ta bayyana }a}aba wa Libya takunkumin karya tattalin arziki. Amerika da Birtaniya sun janye goyon bayan su ga Gaddafi.

Majalisar [inkin Duniya, ta hanyar cibiyoyin ta, ta kafa wa Libya }ahon zu}a. Misali, Hukumar Ciyar da {asashe Gaba ta Majalisar [inkin Duniya (UN Development Programme) ta kori ]iyar Gaddafi, wato Aisha al-Gaddafi, daga mu}amin jakadar musamman, ba don komai ba sai saboda ya}ar ’yan zanga-zanga da ake yi a Libya. Shi kan sa sakatare-janar na majalisar, wato Mista Ban Ki-moon, ya fito }arara ya ragargaji Gaddafi saboda yin watsi da ya yi da kiran da ya yi masa na ya daina harbe masu zanga-zanga. Cibiyar Kare Ha}}in [an’adam ta Majalisar [inkin Duniya ta yi taro a birnin Janiba na }asar Siwizalan inda aka fitar da kakkausar suka kan Libya.

Duk a wannan har}allar, munafinci da rashin tsare amana na }asashen Turai da Amurka sun fito fili. Misali, mun san cewa Amurka da Tarayyar Turai sun sha ]aure wa azzaluman shugabanni gindi, musamman a Afrika da Gabas ta Tsakiya, ba don komai ba sai don su na biya masu bu}atun su. Bu}atun sun ha]a da ba su damar sayen man fetur arha, da ba su ha]in kai kan matsalar ’yan ci-rani da ke shigar masu }asa, da tsaro na yankuna, da ya}i da ta’addanci da kuma hana bun}asar addinin Musulunci a fa]in duniya. To amma da zarar sun ci moriyar ganga sai su yada kwauren ta. Da ma Gaddafi ba nasu ba ne, ba kamar Mubarak ba. Da ma su na kallon sa a matsayin ]an taratsi. To sai ga shi kuma ya shiga uku. Don haka kun ga sun samu damar da za su bi duk hanyar da za su bi don su kakka~o shi daga she}ar sa. Saboda haka dai masassarar da ta ci shugaban Tunisiya da na Masar ba za ta bar shi ba; abin da ya ci Doma, ba ya barin Awai. Ko ya so ko ya }i sai mulki ya koma hannun talakawa, wato mulkin dimokira]iyya.

Ka zama aminin ’ya’yan ka!

2011-03-08T14:32:00.000-08:00

Duk uba ya na so ya samu kintsattsen ]a, ballantana a ce mai haza}a ne. Ya na so ’ya’yan sa su kasance masu }o}ari a makaranta, masu girmama na gaba da su, masu ]a’a, masu tsare gaskiya, masu tsafta, masu tsoron Allah, masu sauraren ra’ayin da ba su yarda da shi ba, wayayyu, masu jin }ai ga marasa galihu da marasa lafiya ko marasa }arfi, da sauran su. Haka kuma ya na yi masu addu’ar samun nasara a rayuwa, ta hanyar arziki ko samun ci-gaba a wurin aikin su. To, in kuwa haka ne, ya za mu yi mu reni ’ya’yan da za su kasance nagari?

Kwanan nan, ni da wani aboki na mu ka shiga hira kan irin yaran da ake samu a wannan zamanin namu, kai har ma kan yadda mu ke mu’amala da junan mu a cikin al’umma. Na girgiza matu}a kan yadda na ga hul]a ta na }ara }azancewa a }asar mu a yau, musamman ma tsakanin iyaye da ’ya’yan su, maza da matan auren su, malamai da ]aliban su, shugabannin addini da mabiyan su, da kuma ’yan siyasa da nasu mabiyan. Kawai a dalilin }in amincewar da mu ka yi kan abin da ya kamata da wanda bai kamata ba a al’umma, sai ka ga wasu su na ta ya}ar juna. Duk an maye gurbin hanyoyin }warai na sasanci ko gyara koma]ar hul]a da wasu sakarkarun hanyoyin da ba za su ta~a haifa mana da ]a mai ido ba.

A shekarun baya, iyaye da sauran shugabannin al’umma su kan horas da ’ya’yan su ne ta hanyar matsi, su na gudun kada su kauce wa hanya su lalace ta hanyar bin wasu ababen rayuwar zamani. Su na gudun kada ’ya’ya su kangare, su zama marasa ]a’a. Ana yi wa ’ya’ya horo da bulala ko tsabga don kada su lalace.

A hirar da mu ka yi da abokin nan nawa, na fi nuna damuwa ne kan yadda mu ke tarbiyyantar da ’ya’yan mu, tare da kawo hujjoji. Irin tarbiyyar da aka yi mana mu na yara ita ce babban dalilin da ya sa mu ka zama abin da mu ka zama a yau. A wancan zamanin, ana horas da ]a ne ta hanyoyi da dama, wa]anda su ka ha]a da lalama da kuma hukunci mai tsanani. Shi aboki na, wanda mabiyin gargajiya ne in an zo maganar tarbiyyar ’ya’ya, ya yi amanna da cewa rashin matsanta wa ’ya’ya da iyaye ke yi a yau shi ne ya haifar da lalacewar ’ya’ya da yawa.

To amma abin tambaya shi ne: shin duk magidantan da ke da ]a’a da yakana a yau sai da su ka sha kashi daga hannun magabatan su kenan? Shin hanyar tarbiyya ta zamanin da ta fi ta yanzu kuwa? Babu shakka, akwai hikima mai }arfi a hanyoyin da iyayen mu da kakannin mu su ka bi a nasu zamanin, to amma fa tuni abubuwa su ka soma canzawa. Iyaye da malaman makaranta na wannan zamanin sun fara tunanin ko akwai alfanu a cikin duka ko zagin ’ya’ya don a koya masu abin da ya dace da wanda bai dace su yi ko su fa]i ba. Sun fara yarda da cewa zai iya yiwuwa a koyar da ’ya’ya tarbiyya mai kyau ba tare da an ri}a zane su a kai a kai ba. Sirrin abin shi ne kai uba ko uwa ka tabbar da cewa akwai kyakkyawar dangantaka tsakanin ka da ]a ko ’yar ka; ka koyar ta hanyar nagartattar halayya kai kan ka, kuma ka jawo iyalin ka a jika. Ya na da muhimmanci ga iyaye su ri}a magana a kai a kai da ’ya’yan su, su saurari abin da su ke cewa. Rashin }ulla zumunci da ’ya’yan mu ya na gina katangar }arfe a zukata, wadda ita kuma ta kan haifar da abubuwan ~acin rai. Idan ’ya’yan mu sun ~ata mana rai, mu fito mu fa]a masu, mu nuna masu kuskuren su, maimakon mu haukace mu dinga fitina. Mu tabbatar da cewa mu na aiki da a}idar }in yin gaba ko rashin ]asawa da ’ya’yan mu, wato abin da zan kira da “rashin yin gaba a tsakanin mu.” A ta}aice, iyaye, malaman makaranta har ma da ma’aurata za su iya tirjewa ba tare da sun tsauwala ba a kan a}idar su ta rayuwa.

Zan rufe wannan ma}alar da wani labari da wani mutum mai suna Mista Arun Gandhi, wanda jika ne ga babban ]an kishin }asar nan na }asar Indiya, wato marigayi Mahatma Gandhi, ya ta~a bayarwa a wurin wani taro da aka yi a Jami’ar Puerto Rico a ran 9 ga Yuni, 2010. Shi Arun, wanda shi ne shugaban cibiyar fidda sa~ani ta M.K. Gandhi, wato M.K. Gandhi Institute for Non-violence, ya yi wannan bayanin ne a wani jawabi da ya gabatar a matsayin misalin zaman lumana a cikin iyali. Ga abin da ya ke cewa:

“Ina ]an shekara 16 da haihuwa kuma ina zaune tare da iyaye na a cibiyar da kaka na ya kafa a wani wuri da ke mil 18 a bayan garin Durban, a }asar Afrika ta Kudu, a cikin gonakin rake. Mu na zaune a gidan gona, inda ba mu da ma}wabta, don haka sai ya kasance ni da ’yan’uwana mata guda biyu mu kan so mu samu damar shiga cikin gari ziyarar abokai ko kuma mu shiga silima.

“Ran nan sai mahaifi na ya bu}ace ni da in tu}a mota in kai shi gari don halartar wani taro na kwana ]aya. Murna ta kama ni. Da yake zan shiga gari, sai mahaifiya ta ta ba ni jerin sunayen wasu kayan lambu da ta ke so in sawo mata, kuma da yake zan wuni a cikin garin, shi ma baba na sai ya ba ni wasu ayyukan da ya ke so in yi masa, ciki har da yi wa motar sabis. Da na aje baba na a wurin taron da safe, sai ya ce mani, ‘Mu ha]u a nan da }arfe 5:00 na yamma, sannan mu wuce zuwa gida.’

“Da sauri, na gama ayyuka na, sai na zarce kai-tsaye zuwa wani gidan silima da ke kusa. Na tsunduma cikin kallon wani fim ]in Amurka na jarumi John Wayne, ban ankara ba har }arfe 5:30 ta yi sannan na tuna. Kafin in je garejin gayan mota in ]auko mota in tafi inda baba na ke jira na, har }arfe 6:00 ta yi. Cikin damuwa, ya tambaye ni, ‘Me ya sa ka makara?’

“Ina jin kunyar in fa]a masa gaskiyar cewa na tsaya kallon fim ]in John Wayne ne, sai na ce, ‘Ba su gama aikin motar da wuri ba, shi ya sa na tsaya,’ ashe ban sani ba har ya buga waya garejin, ya gano komai. Da ya gane cewa }arya na ke, sai ya ce: ‘A gaskiya akwai wani abu wanda ba daidai ba a yadda na tarbiyyantar da kai wanda ya sa ba ka da }arfin halin fa]a mani gaskiya. Saboda haka, don in fahimci ko ina ne na yi kuskure game da kai, zan taka a }asa mil 18 zuwa gida in yi tunanin abin.’ Saboda haka dai, a cikin shigar sa ta kwat da wando da takalma sau ciki, sai ya fara takawa zuwa gida da dare a kan hanya marasa kwalta, kuma a duhu. Ba zan iya tafiya in bar shi ba, don haka sai da mu ka shafe awa biyar da rabi ina bin sa a baya da mota, ina kallon mahaifi na ya na shan ba}ar wahala kawai saboda shirmen }aryar da na shara. Tun a lokacin na sha alwashin cewa ba zan }ara yin }arya ba.

“A ko yaushe, na kan yi tunani kan wannan abin, kuma ina tunanin cewa in da ya hukunta ni ta yadda mu ke hukunta ’ya’yan mu a yau, to da ban koyi darasi ba ko }iris. Ban tsammanin zan iya. Da kawai zan sha wuyar hukuncin da ya yi mani, amma zan ci gaba da aikata kuskuren da na yi. To amma wannan abin guda ]aya da ya yi na nuna rashin fushi ya yi matu}ar tasiri a rayuwa ta, ta yadda ina ganin kamar jiya jiyan nan abin ya faru. Wannan shi ne }arfin }in yin fushi.”

Men Without Ears

2011-03-01T04:37:00.000-08:00

"We have Plan A, Plan B and Plan C. Plan A is to live and die in Libya. Plan B is to live and die in Libya. Plan C is to live and die in Libya."

– Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi, talking to CNN yesterday on the ruling family’s option in the wake of the deadly protests in the North African country.

Four men have in recent times defied the demands of their countrymen to vacate their presidential palaces so that a system that would lead to the creation of all-inclusive governments in their countries could be instituted. These men are Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Laurent Gbagbo of Cote d’Ivoire, and, last but not the least, Muammar Ghaddafi of Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. It is no longer news that while the first two have kissed the dust and bolted, the others are staying put, insisting on protecting their dubious mandates with the last drop of their blood. Gbagbo is holding out against his rival Alassane Ouattara, who won the country’s presidential election but has been denied his mandate, and the international community which has consistently condemned Gbagbo’s refusal to step down. Violence has continued to rock the West African country. Just two days ago, gunfire was exchanged in the Ivorian capital Yamoussoukro between security forces loyal to Gbagbo and residents in an area loyal to Ouattara. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) reports that at least 20,000 people fled the conflict-torn district of Abidjan yesterday and sought shelter in other parts of the city.

These men seem to have no ears to listen to reason. Both Ben Ali and Mubarak had vowed to fight till the end, offering to attain martyrdom, a message now being echoed by Gaddafi. Yes, there are many more of such men in Africa and in the Middle East. But they can no longer deceive their people with rhetoric of nationalism or anti-Americanism. People want a change from dictatorship to democracy. Yemen, Bahrain, and Jordan are already catching the Tunisian cold as tens of thousands of people took to the streets yesterday to demand political reforms. Their rulers’ savage response does not cow them.

As at now, the Libyan conundrum, which the world is watching more keenly because of the high stakes involved, appears to be going the way of the ones that took place in Tunisia and Egypt since January. Which makes it permissible to say that Gaddafi’s days in power are numbered. In spite of his and his son Saif al-Islam’s braggadocio, the president is gradually losing control of the levers of power, with large chunks of the country being taken over by rebellious protesters. His government, like Mubarak’s, is woven around an outdated power structure built on family and tribal loyalty. But years of dictatorship has made such a structure untenable in the modern age. The world has changed, but these iron-fisted dictators in Africa and the Arab world appear not to know that. However, you cannot rule a people for longer than necessary without committing human rights abuses. The people will not want you to be there longer than normal because no matter your sterling achievements or how paternalistic your regime is, they would want to have some fresh air.

Gaddafi is bound to fall because all the main characteristics of the successful revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt are present in the unfolding tumult in Libya. One, the Libyan people are amassing in various cities demanding for the president to leave. Two, various nationals are fleeing the country just as the crisis escalates. Three, top members of the regime are withdrawing their services. They included Libya’s Mission to the United Nations in Geneva, who resigned their post as official envoys of Tripoli in the middle of a special session of the UN Human Rights Council yesterday, specially convened to discuss possible sanctions against Libya.

The county’s delegation to the Arab League, also yesterday, in Cairo, renounced links to Gaddafi and said they now represented the will of the people. The delegation changed their name to "the representative of Libyan people to the Arab League." Four, support by the international community, which is key to the survival of any dictator, is being lost by the hour. There is full coordination to fell the regime, using diplomatic and media power. Libya is on a round-the-clock loop on international broadcasters like CNN, Aljazeera and BBC World, which played a significant role in bringing down the authoritarian regimes in Tunisia and Egypt. France is imposing full sanctions. America and Britain have withdrawn support. The United Nations, through its specialised agencies, are applying the heat. The UN Development Programme dropped Gaddafi’s daughter, Aisha al-Gaddafi, as a goodwill ambassador following the crackdown on anti-government protesters. UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon blasted Gaddafi for ignoring his call to stop violence against protesters, which the UN chief stressed to the Libyan leader during a 40-minute conversation this week.

The double-dealing in diplomacy is glaring once again. Both the U.S. and the EU have supported authoritarian regimes in Africa and the Middle East because of their enlightened self-interest. Their interests are in gaining access to oil, immigration issues, regional security, terrorism and checking Islamic resurgence globally. Gaddafi has never been in their good books anyway like, say, Mubarak. He has always been regarded as a pariah. Now, it is easy to justify his ouster. The contagion of the Tunisian catarrh will not spare him – or any similar dictator, for that matter. Power is returning to the hands of the people, finally.

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, last Saturday

The Power Of Non-Violence

2011-02-24T09:13:00.000-08:00

All parents love to have well-behaved children, not to talk of precocious ones. They want them to be good performers in school, respectful of their elders, morally upright, honest, clean, God-fearing, tolerant of opposing views, urbane, sympathetic towards the poor, the sick or the infirm, etc. They also pray for them to be successful in life, either financially or in their chosen professions. So, how can we make our kids grow up with the right behaviour?

Recently, I got talking with a friend about how kids are being brought up these days and, by extension, how we relate with each other in society. I had been startled by the violence that defines our society today, especially between parents and children, husbands and wives, teachers and students, religious leaders and the laity, and political leaders and their followers. Because it has become so hard to mutually agree on what is right or wrong, people tend to resort to violence. The mechanisms for truce, reconciliation or dialogue – formal or otherwise – are replaced with ad hoc contraptions.

In years gone by, children used to be brought up by stern parents and other community elders who were anxious not to lose them to the vagaries of modern life, including the possibility of growing up recalcitrant, strong-headed and lacking in discipline. The general rule was the truism, “Spare the rod and spoil the child.”

In the chat with my friend, I was more concerned about the way we bring up our children, for obvious reasons. The way we were treated, handled or guided as kids was the single most important reason for who we are today. In those days, upbringing was a mixed grill of carrots and stick, but mostly the stick. My friend, a stickler for the old ways of doing things, believes that the absence of sternness by parents towards their wards is responsible for the waywardness of many kids these days.

The question, however, is: are all the well-behaved adults today products of some koboko- or bulala-wielding parents and elders? And are the old ways of bringing up kids better than the new ones? No doubt, there is a strong sense in the ways of our parents and grandparents, but things are changing fast. Modern-day parents and school teachers are tending to wonder whether it pays to beat children in order to teach them what they should or shouldn’t do or say. They are accepting the fact that it is possible to have children that are of good character without wielding the cane. The secret is in ensuring a dialogue between parent and child; leading by example, and keeping families close-knit. It is important for parents to talk to their children and listen to them, too. Not befriending our kids creates unnecessary barriers that, in turn, lead to many unwholesome consequences. If the kids offend us, we can tell them and make them feel sorry without us going bananas. The worst thing we must do is to practise “passive resistance” or what I regard as “non-violence in relationship.” In short, parents, teachers and even spouses can be firm without being too hard.

I’ll close this piece by quoting a story told by Mr. Arun Gandhi, grandson of the legendary Mahatma Gandhi and founder of the M.K. Gandhi Institute for Non-violence, in his lecture at the University of Puerto Rico on June 9, 2010. It is an example of “non-violence in parenting”. Enjoy:

“I was 16 years old and living with my parents at the institute my grandfather had founded 18 miles outside of Durban, South Africa, in the middle of the sugar plantations. We were deep in the country and had no neighbours, so my two sisters and I would always look forward to going to town to visit friends or go to the movies.

“One day, my father asked me to drive him to town for an all-day conference, and I jumped at the chance. Since I was going to town, my mother gave me a list of groceries she needed and, since I had all day in town, my father asked me to take care of several pending chores, such as getting the car serviced. When I dropped my father off that morning, he said, ‘I will meet you here at 5:00 p.m., and we will go home together’.

“After hurriedly completing my chores, I went straight to the nearest movie theatre. I got so engrossed in a John Wayne double-feature that I forgot the time. It was 5:30 before I remembered. By the time I ran to the garage and got the car and hurried to where my father was waiting for me, it was almost 6:00. He anxiously asked me, ‘Why were you late?’

“I was so ashamed of telling him I was watching a John Wayne western movie that I said, ‘The car wasn’t ready, so I had to wait,’ not realising that he had already called the garage. When he caught me in the lie, he said: ‘There’s something wrong in the way I brought you up that didn’t give you the confidence to tell me the truth. In order to figure out where I went wrong with you, I’m going to walk home 18 miles and think about it.’ So, dressed in his suit and dress shoes, he began to walk home in the dark on mostly unpaved, unlit roads. I couldn’t leave him, so for five-and-a-half hours I drove behind him, watching my father go through this agony for a stupid lie that I uttered. I decided then and there that I was never going to lie again.

“I often think about that episode and wonder, if he had punished me the way we punish our children, whether I would have learned a lesson at all. I don’t think so. I would have suffered the punishment and gone on doing the same thing. But this single non-violent action was so powerful that it is still as if it happened yesterday. That is the power of non-violence.”

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, last Saturday. Photo of Arun Gandhi above.

Ma’anar }arfin ikon jama’a

2011-02-24T09:10:00.000-08:00

DA }arfe 6:43 na yamma a birnin Al}ahira a ranar Juma’a ta makon jiya, wani jagoran masu zanga-zangar }in amincewa da mulkin Shugaba Hosni Mubarak mai suna Wael Ghonim ya tura sa}o a dandalin Twitter da ke intanet, ya na fa]in: “Mu na taya ki murna, Masar, babban mai laifin nan ya arce daga fadar sa.” Ya na nufin Mubarak wani babban ~arawo ne ko mai kisan kai da sauran manyan laifuffuka wanda mulkin sa ya zo }arshe har ya gudu daga fadar shugaban }asa. Hakan ya biyo bayan tumbu]in da al’ummar }asar su ka shafe kwana 18 su na yi, inda a }arshe, ran Juma’a da ta wuce, zamanin Muhammad Hosni Mubarak a karagar Jamhuriyar Larabawa ta Masar ya kawo }arshe. {arfin jama’a ya tabbata. Idan kun tuna, a rubutun da na yi a wannan shafin a makon jiya mai taken, “Fir'auna Na {arshe Ya Fa]i!” na bayyana cewa, “Tuni muguwar gwamnatin sa ta shiga garari, ta fara tarwatsewa, domin kuwa iyalan sa da manyan jami’an gwamnatin sa tuni su ka fara arar takalmin kare su na arcewa.”

Tarin jama’ar da ta taru a Dandalin Tahrir ta wuce maridan gwamnati su maida ita abar wasa ko su yi mata ri}on sakainar kashi, domin jama’a ce wadda ta san ciwon kan ta kuma ta ke da zummar lallai sai an biya mata bu}atar ta. Yawancin mutanen da ke cikin taron matasa ne wa]anda ba su gama ko ta-ta-ta ba lokacin da Mubarak ya ]are karagar mulki a 1981. To amma mutane ne masu ilimi, wayayyu a lamurran duniyar mu ta yau, masana intanet, masu fushi da gur~acewar mulki, wa]anda su ka gaji da salon tafiyar hawainiyar mulki, kuma sun gaji da salon mulkin mutum ]aya, sannan su na son canji ko ta halin }a}a. Matasa ne ’yan Facebook wa]anda su ka san yadda za su yi amfani da intanet da kuma tashoshin talabijin na satalayit don cimma bu}atun su. Duk wani mai ba}in mulki da ya yi kunnen uwar shegu da irin wa]annan ’yan taratsin, to jiki magayi.

Mubarak ya yi duk wasu kame-kame don ya li}e a jikin she}ar sa. Saboda lallai ya san tsiyar wa]annan nau’urorin ya]a labarai da Turawa su ka }ir}ira, ya dakatar da Facebook da gidan talabijin na Aljazeera na wani ]an lokaci, amma duk a banza. Babu abin da ya yi masa amfani; misali barazanar da kwamandojin sa na soja su ka yi wa masu zanga-zangar, da soki-burutsun da Mataimakin Shugaban {asa Omar Suleiman (mutumin da shugaban ’yan zanga-zanga Mohammed El-Baradei ya kira da “abokin tagwaicin” Mubarak) ya yi masu, da hare-haren da magoya bayan Mubarak su ka kai wa ’yan zanga-zangar ko kuma jawaban yaudara da shi Mubarak ]in ya yi wa jama’ar }asar a ran 1 da ran 10 ga Fabrairu, inda ya sha alwashin wai zai ci gaba da mulki har na tsawon watanni bakwai masu zuwa. Da alama, bai gane zurfin tsanar da mutane su ka yi wa azzalumar gwamnatin sa ba. Tunda dai duk }asar ta na kuka da shi, sannan dubban mutane sun shiga yajin aiki, inda su ka ja wa }asar birki, don haka bai fi awoyi ka]an - ba ma kwanaki ba - kafin }arshen sa ya zo.

Aje aikin da ya yi ran Juma’a wata shaida ce da ke }ara gabbata da }arfin ikon jama’a. Irin haka ta ta~a faruwa a }asar Filifins a 1986, wanda ya sa aka dinga yin juyin juya hali a }asashe da dama a Gabashin Turai a 1989, ana rusa gwamnatocin gurguzu. Amma an jima irin hakan ba ta faru a nahiyar Larabawa ko ta Afrika ba ma, inda masu mulki ke kallon kan su a matsayin wani abin bauta. To amma yanzu ta fara sauya zani. A yau, Larabawa su na yin tambaya kan halin da rayuwar su ta ke ciki, kuma su na yun}urin kifar da azzaluman shugabannin su. A watan jiya, hakan ta faru a }asar Tunisiya inda jama’a su ka yi zanga-zanga su ka ham~arar da shugaban }asar, har sai da ya tsere zuwa gudun hijira. To amma fa ba wanda ya ta~a tunanin cewa irin wannan za ta iya faruwa a Masar, }asar da ke kan gaba wajen yin ala}a da Yammacin Turai a }asashen Labarawa duka, musamman ma da yake Mubarak ne shugaban }asar, mutumin da ake ganin ya na da }arfin mulki tamkar Fir’auna, wanda sai dai a kwatanta shi da shugaban Ira}i na da, wato marigayi Saddam Hussein. To, duk da haka sai da ta faru ta }are, wai an yi wa mai zani ]aya sata! Jama’a sun fa]i abin da su ke so, kuma sun samu.

To amma fa tsugune ba ta }are ba, an saida kare an sayi biri. An dai fidda Mubarak, amma kuma ginshi}in gwamnatin sa - wato sojojin da su ka ]aure masa gindi - har yanzu su na nan daram damdam, sun maida }asar maras dimokira]iyya. Har yanzu za a iya ci gaba da cin mutuncin jama’a. Za a iya mur}ushe duk wani ]an adawa.

Na biyu, tsoron da gwamnatocin Yammaci su ke yi na cewa wai babbar jam’iyyar adawar }asar, wato Muslim Brotherhood, za ta hau kujerar mulkin }asar wata babbar barazana ce ga abin muradin jama’ar Masar. Turawa da Yahudawa su na so Masar ta ci gaba da kasancewa a tafin hannun su saboda kawai ta na dakushe abin da su ke kira da tsattsauran ra’ayin addini. A ranar da Mubarak ya fa]i, Firayim Ministar }asar Jamus, wato Angela Markel, ta yi garga]in cewa tilas ne Masar ta ci gaba da yin abokantaka da Isra’ila. Sannan wani fitaccen ]an jaridar Amurka wai shi Glenn Beck, wanda tsattsauran ra’ayin sa bai da bambanci da na ’yan Al}a’ida wajen tada hankalin jama’a, ya bayyana cewa yun}urin fidda Mubarak wani babban gangamin ha~aka addinin Islama ne na duniya wanda ya taso tun daga nahiyar Asiya har zuwa Ingila. Beck, wanda ke da ]imbin mabiya shirin sa na talabijin a Amurka, ya ce, “Wannan ba zancen Masar ba ne. Wannan magana ce ta dukkan wani mutum da ya ta~a yin shiri, ko ya ke so, ya canza ainihin rayuwar Turawa da Yahudawa baki ]ayan ta.” Manyan masu fa]a a ji a Amurka da dama su na da wannan ra’ayi, ciki kuwa har da babban ]an jam’iyyar Republican ]in nan mai suna Newt Gingrich, wanda ya furta cewa, “’Yan Muslim Brotherhood su ne manyan ma}iyan rayuwar mu da jinsin mu.”

Shin wai ba abin mamaki ba ne kuwa a ce ’yan ra’ayin ri}au na Yammacin Turai ba su son ganin mulkin dimokira]iyya ya wanzu a yankin Gabas ta Tsakiya don kawai irin shugabanin da talakawan Larabawa ke so ba su ba ne Turawa da Yahudawa ke so, sun ]auke su masu tsattsauran ra’ayi? ’Yan ri}au ]in Yammaci sun fi son shugabannin Larabawa masu }aryar son jama’ar su sun ci gaba da mulki, a yayin da su ke kau da kai daga matsalolin rayuwa da su ka addabi jama’ar su saboda kawai shugabannin duk ’yan koren su ne.

Sa’annan sai maganar tattalin arziki, wanda Mubarak ya kasa gyarawa domin ya fi maida hankali ga harkar tsaro. Shi kullum abin da ya fi damun sa shi ne dangantakar }asashe, wadda ta ha]a da shiri da Isra’ila da kuma ya}ar ’yan kishin Islama. Saboda haka, duk wanda ya zama sabon shugaban }asar Masar ya na da babban aikin gyaran koma]ar tattalin arziki a }asar sa. Bayan haka, wani abu mai muhimmanci kuma shi ne batun yadda za a gina ingantaccen tsarin mulkin dimokira]iyya bisa ginshi}in addinin jama’ar }asa. Hujjoji da dama sun nuna cewa tsarin mulkin dimokira]iyya ya na iya ginuwa a }asashen Musulmi. Shugaban Amurka, Barack Obama, ya fara amincewa da bin hanyar da gwamnatocin Amurka da dama su ka }i aminta da ita, wato bu}atar gina tsarin mulkin dimokira]iyya a }asashen Larabawa.

Idan an bi wannan hanyar bil ha}}i da gaskiya, to za a ga ci-gaba sosai. Domin fa rashin samun za~i, da kuma cusa wa jama’a shugabannin da ba su so ta hangar ci da addini ko batun tsaro ya na taimakawa wajen sa wasu su ]auki tsattsauran mataki, wanda ya ha]a da tada bam a cikin jirgin sama ko kuma fasa motar safa da gurnati. Don a cimma nasara, tilas ne Turawa da Yahudawa su }yale Larabawa su za~a wa kan su shugabannin kan su ta hanyar za~e na fisabilillahi. Juyin juya hali da aka yi a Masar ya nuna cewa zamanin da Turawa su ke cusa wa Larabawa shugabanni don biyan bu}atar su ta son rai ya shu]e. A yau, matasa za su ri}a bin bahasi da babbar murya.

Mu ma a nan Afrika ya kamata mu farka daga barci. Don me? Dalili shi ne mu na da masu mulkin mur]iya amma masu kiran kan su da sunan masoya dimokira]iyya. Wasu ma su na ta }ara ~ullowa a fagen. Ya kamata matasan Afrika, Ba}ar Fata, su yi koyi da takwarorin su da ke arewacin nahiyar mu; kada a manta, su ma ’yan Tunisiya da ’yan Masar duk ’yan Afrika ne. Yackamata su farka daga gyangya]i, su yi bin bahasi ga shugabannin su, su bu}aci sauyi a duk inda hakan ya dace.

Ku kuma ’yan Masar mu na taya ku murna. Fir’auna ya fa]i.

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An buga a LEADERSHIP HAUSA ta ranar Juma'a da ta gabata

The Meaning Of People’s Power

2011-02-12T11:40:00.000-08:00

“Congratulations Egypt, the criminal has left the palace.”

– Egyptian protest leader Wael Ghonim, in a Twitter message sent at 6:43 p.m. in Cairo, yesterday.

The meaning of people’s power manifested itself in yesterday’s overthrow of Muhammad Hosni Mubarak as president of the Arab Republic of Egypt. My column last week, titled “As Another Pharaoh Falls...,” was unequivocal that Mubarak was pretending to be a born-again democrat with his promise to quit during the general elections in September, but he was too late. The mammoth crowd at Tahrir (i.e. Freedom) Square was too determined and focused to be brushed aside by the government’s goons. It was composed mostly of young men and women, many of whom were scarcely out of their diapers when Mubarak took power in 1981. They are educated politically, exposed to the heady ways of the modern world, internet-savvy, angry, impatient with the slow wheel of governance, fed up with the three-decade one-man show, and thirsting for change at all cost. This is a Facebook generation that marries the amazing potentials of internet social networking with the borderless powers of satellite television. Any dictator who ignores the power of this kind of agitators does so at his/her peril.

Mubarak tried some dirty tricks to cling to power. As a sign that he realised the influence of those Western tools of information, he briefly unplugged Facebook and sacked Aljazeera television, all to no avail. Nothing worked; not even the threat of his military commanders against the protesters, the incoherent blandishments of Vice President Omar Suleiman (described by opposition figure Mohammed El-Baradei as Mubarak’s “twin”), the desperate attacks by Mubarak’s supporters or his deceptive speeches to the people on February 1 and 10, vowing to remain in office for the next seven months. He clearly under-estimated the depth of resentment against his vile regime. With the nation crying out in unison, and thousands refusing to go to work, effectively shutting down the country, his hours – not days – were numbered.

His resignation yesterday was another proof of the people’s power. A similar scenario had happened in the Philippines in 1986, inspiring the revolutions of 1989 that ended communist dictatorships in Eastern Europe. No, not in the Arab world – or in Africa, for that matter – where rulers play deities. Well, until lately. Today, the Arabs are asking hard questions and plotting to unseat their unpopular rulers. It happened last month in Tunisia where a popular revolt forced the president into exile. But no one thought that such could succeed in Egypt, the West’s formidable ally in the region, more so with Mubarak, whose granite presence and pharaonic powers were comparable only to those of Iraq’s maximum ruler, the late Saddam Hussein. But it has happened! The people have spoken.

Even then, Egypt has a long way to go. The big man is out, but the canvass on which his rule was etched – the faceless military brass – is firmly in place, making the system an anathema to responsible, representative and accountable governance. Human rights could continue to be abused. Opposition voices could be silenced. Two, the fear by Western governments that the country’s largest opposition party, the Muslim Brotherhood, may assume power is a threat to the people’s will. Westerners want Egypt to remain within their sphere of influence because of its role as a bulwark against Islamic radicalism. German premier Angela Markel warned yesterday that Egypt must remain friends with Israel. American extremist personalities such as Glenn Beck, whose views are as threatening to world peace as those of, say, Al-Qaida, believe that the turmoil against Mubarak was part of an international Islamic resurgence sweeping all the way from Asia to England. “This isn’t about Egypt,” said Beck, a top-rated television personality with a large following in America. “This is the story of everyone who has ever plotted, or wanted, to fundamentally change or destroy the Western way of life.” This view was echoed by other influential establishment figures, such as Republican strategist Newt Gingrich, who said, “The Muslim Brotherhood is a mortal enemy of our civilisation.”

Is it not funny that Western conservatives aren’t interested in seeing democracy in the Middle East simply because the leaders preferred by the majority of Arabs are considered too radical by the West? Western extremists prefer those paternal dictatorships in the region, turning a blind eye to the harsh realities of the people’s lives because the rulers are their stooges.

Then, there is the economy, which Mubarak failed to develop due to his obsession with security. Geopolitics – ranging from rapprochement with Israel to fighting Islamic radicalism – was his best game. Whoever becomes the new leader of Egypt will, therefore, find the economy a hard nut to crack. Of equal importance is the challenge of cultivating a genuine democratic culture based on the nation’s religious heritage. There is evidence that a tenured electoral system can be grown in Muslim nations. U.S. president Barack Obama is toeing a line long spurned by successive American governments, i.e. Arab nations should democratise. This line, if genuine, promises much. For, it is in the absence of choice by the public and imposition of natural rulers in the name of religion or security that some elements resort to extreme measures, such as bombing an airliner or detonating a grenade on a bus. To achieve this, the West must allow the Arabs to choose their leaders in free and fair elections. The revolution in Egypt has shown that the age of propping up dictators to serve extraneous (read: Western) interests is gone. The youths will always ask the hard questions.

This message should sink in in Africa, too. And why not? We have veritable dictators camouflaging as democrats. Others are emerging. The youths of Africa, Black Africa, should emulate their counterparts in the north; after all, Tunisians and Egyptians are Africans, too. They should ask the hard questions and push for a change where necessary.

Congrats, Egypt. The Pharaoh is gone. Sigh!

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Published in my back page column in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, today.

As Another Pharaoh Falls...

2011-02-10T13:42:00.000-08:00

When Mineptah, the successor of Ramses II, pursued Prophet Moses (A.S.) and his followers in order to eliminate them, he found himself and his army facing the danger of being swallowed up by the sea. The Qur’an (10:90) tells us that Mineptah, now believed to be the Pharaoh of Egypt in Moses’ age, had regarded himself as a deity and responded with utter arrogance and threats to the prophet’s calls for him to believe in Allah (S.W.T.). But at the point of drowning, the Pharaoh immediately turned to belief, saying: “I believe that there is no god but Him in Whom the tribe of Israel believes. I am one of the Muslims.” However, this last-minute conversion was not accepted by God, for it was not sincere. According to the Qur’an, Allah said: “What, now! When previously you rebelled and were one of the corrupters? Today, we will preserve your body so you can be a Sign for people who come after you. Surely many people are heedless of Our Signs.”

Muhammad Hosni Sayyid Mubarak, the octogenarian who has been ruling the Arab Republic of Egypt for 30 years, did not heed the signs either. Today, he is drowning in the sea of the multitudes who are demanding that he quit immediately. In response to this demand, the president has belatedly become a democrat, promising he will relinquish power during the general elections in September. But his vile regime is falling apart, with his family members and top officials scurrying into exile in airplanes stuffed with millions of U.S. dollars.

Mubarak would have been kicked out many years ago if not for the support he enjoyed from successive United States governments. Six attempts were made on his life. Under him, Egypt became the de facto 52nd state of the USA, the 21st of course being neighbouring Israel. Six American presidents from Carter to Obama had given the leading Arab despot all the support he needed to remain in power and continue to serve western interests, i.e. peace with Israel, which includes maintaining the economic blockade on the Palestinians, giving the U.S. and Israeli military access to Egyptian air space and the Suez Canal, spurning any rapprochement with Iran and serving as bulwark against Islam’s resurgence, described as Muslim fundamentalism and or terrorism. In return, Egypt has collected U.S.$28 billion in American aid, given at an average of $2 billion annually since 1979, much of it in military aid. The combined total makes Egypt the second largest recipient of U.S. aid after Israel.

Mubarak disdained U.S. request that part of the money be spent on democracy promotion programmes in Egypt. “On principle, the Egyptian government rejects U.S. assistance for democracy promotion activities,” Jeremy Sharp of the U.S. Congressional Research Service said in a background report updated on January 28. Meanwhile, as corruption ate deep into the Egyptian government, life became harsh. Egypt ranks 101st on the U.N. Human Development Index, between Mongolia and Uzbekistan. In the Middle East, it ranks 10th, below not just rich countries like Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, but behind Libya, Jordan, and Algeria as well. Food prices are rising to levels not seen since the global food crisis of 2007-2008. The U.S. had turned a blind eye to these problems, assenting to Mubarak’s winning of all the presidential elections in which he usually scored over 90 percent of the vote in a quasi-democracy in which opposition parties were either banned or sidelined, and their leaders assassinated or forced into exile.

The ongoing tumult once again exposes the double face of U.S. foreign policy and the rotten underbelly of the American government’s ethical standard. Mubarak expects to receive U.S. support at his hour of need, but the reverse is the case. The Obama administration is working on a post-Mubarak Egypt. President Barack Obama told the American public after a 30-minute telephone conversation he had with Mubarak this week: “Now, ultimately, the future of Egypt will be determined by the Egyptian people, and I believe that the Egyptian people want the same things that we all want: a better life for ourselves and our children, and a government that is fair and just and responsive. Put simply, the Egyptian people want a future that befits the heirs to a great and ancient civilization.” The message for other despots in the region is that they can no longer count on America to continue to lord it over their people. But is the U.S. making this volte face for altruistic reasons? We all know that the same U.S. had supported President Saddam Hussein to the hilt in his war against his own people – and against Iran – only to lead a coalition of western countries to topple him and ultimately oversee his hanging by a puppet regime in Baghdad. One would not be surprised at a U.S. support if Mubarak should be tried for corruption and other charges. The 83-year-old former Air Force officer owns wealth estimated at US$40 billion to $70 billion, all stolen from the Egyptian treasury.

The U.S is mulling the idea of propping another puppet in Egypt. Top on the list is Mohammed El-Baradei, the former director-general of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The west is already making the mistake it made in many Muslim lands; it is frantically trying to sidetrack the main opposition party in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood. While most western officials and commentators hail the storm against Mubarak, they also shiver at the prospects of the Brotherhood coming to power. An editorial in the Globe and Mail last weekend warned against allowing the Brotherhood, which it described as “the only well organised opposition party” in Egypt, to take power – even through an election. The paper gave its reason thus: “It is hardly an exaggeration to say that the Muslim Brotherhood created what is now called Islamism: a religious revival that proposes to adapt to modernity while building shariah law into the state”. It advises Mubarak to hang on to power at all cost in order to find a way to institute a mechanism that would maintain the pro-Israel, pro-U.S. status quo.

The danger in not allowing Egyptians to select their new leader in a free and fair election is that the west is gambling its remaining goodwill in the country and creating a scenario close to what happened in Iran in 1979. When the Islamic Revolution was on course, the west did all it could to derail the popular will by trying to help the Shah to stay put and, when that was failing, install a puppet. At the end, the people triumphed and the west found itself at the receiving end of an Iranian backlash. A similar case happened in Gaza, where Hamas, which won an election conducted according to western standards, was rejected by the U.S. It is in America’s interest to allow Egypt’s latest pharaoh to fall as heavily as he deserves and, then, let the people choose their leader freely. The western assumption that any government with “Islamist” credentials is an enemy further exposes its infamous fallacy: the nation in charge of Islam’s roots – Saudi Arabia – is the west’s staunchest ally in the Middle East.

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, last Saturday

Sai bango ya tsage...

2011-02-10T13:16:00.000-08:00

Idan har wannan makon ya }are jam’iyyun adawa na siyasa a Nijeriya ba su ha]u su ka fito da ]an takara guda ]aya da za su shigar a za~en watan Afrilu ba, to kawai mu ]auka cewa duk a cikin su babu wanda zai iya doke Dakta Goodluck Jonathan - ko an yi za~e ba magu]i ko kuma an yi za~e da almundahana. Abin da ya sa na yi wannan kintacen shi ne amannar da na yi cewa a yanzu kam, kawunan wa]annan jam’iyyu da ke kiran kan su jam’iyyun siyasa duk a rarrabe su ke a kan batun yin wani gagarumin shiri don za~en, kuma babu wata }wa}}warar alama da ke nuna cewa za su iya zama su baje komai a faifai a cikin mako ]aya.

Yanzu hankalin jam’iyyun a tashe ya ke a daidai lokacin da wa’adin da Hukumar Za~e ta {asa (INEC) na su kawo sunayen ’yan takarar su ya kusa cika. Dalili shi ne fargabar da ta cika zukatan jam’iyyun ganin cewa yanzu Jonathan ya samu tikitin tsayawa takarar a }ar}ashin inuwar jam’iyyar PDP, wanda ya }ara masa }arfi fiye da yadda ya ke kafin a yi za~en fidda gwani na jam’iyyar mako uku da su ka gabata, kuma akwai alamun lallai zai iya lashe za~en da za a yi a Afrilu. Yanzu akwai bayyanannun alamu masu nuna cewa idan har jam’iyyun adawa ba su ha]u su ka mara wa ]an takara ]aya baya ba, to ham~arar da Jonathan da kaifin }uri’a zai kasance tamkar ]aukar Kano ba gwammo.

Akwai tarurrukan da ake ta yi don tabbatar da an cimma hakan, to amma har yanzu babu wanda ya haifar da ]a mai ido. A ran Juma’a ta makon jiya, jaridu sun ruwaito labarin wani taro da aka yi “a asice” tsakanin Malam Nuhu Riba]u na jam’iyyar ACN da Janar Muhammadu Buhari na CPC a gidan shi Buharin da ke Kaduna. An ce an yi taron ne da nufin fito da hanyoyin da za a bi a }wace mulki daga hannun Shugaba Jonathan. Wannan tunanin ya yi daidai da }o}arin da ake ta yi na ganin cewa mulki ya dawo arewa a za~e mai zuwa.

To amma ko wannan yun}urin zai yi nasara kuwa? Kai mai karatu, ka ma fi ni sanin amsar. A ha}i}anin gaskiya, jam’iyyun adawa na }asar nan dai duk jam’iyyun son rai ne. Kowane ]an adawa so ya ke a ce shi ne a saman sauran, shi ya sa bai yarda da duk wata yarjejeniyar a ha]u a fidda jaki daga duma in ban da wadda za ta ba shi karsashi. Duk wani taro nasu ya na }arewa ne a fayau domin duk wanda ya je taron ya na zuwa ne da }o}on barar don-Allah-wane-ka-bar-mani.

Ba sai mun wahala ba wajen gano abin da ke janyo hakan. Ita siyasar adawa da ake yi a Nijeriya a yau, ba irin ta da ba ce. Yanzu babu ~ur~ushin a}ida a jam’iyyun, wanda hakan ya sa su ka kasance tamkar ’yan biyu masu kama ]aya in ban da ta wajen sunayen su. Amma su kuwa jam’iyyun zamanin da, lokacin da duniya na kwance lafiya, wato jam’iyyun Jamhuriya ta Farko irin su NCNC, NEPU, UMBC, da AG, da na Jamhuriya ta Biyu irin su UPN, NPP, GNPP, da PRP, an kafa su ne bisa wata a}ida. Duk mutanen da je jagorantar su ko su ke cikin su mutane ne da su ka kafe kan abin da su ka yi amanna da shi, ba wai don su na tunanin cewa amannar su ]in za ta kawo masu dukiya ko suna ba, a’a sai domin sun yarda babu kokwanto da cewa hakan ita ce hanya mafi sahihanci da za a bi a gyara al’umma kuma a gina }asa.

Gidan yanar Wikipedia da ke intanet ya bayyana cewa a}idun siyasa sun kasu ne gida biyu: 1. Buri: Wato yadda ya kamata al’umma ta rayu ko a tsara ta, sai na 2. Gwadabe: Wato hanya mafi dacewa da za a bi a cimma shi wannan burin. Shi ya sa a }asar Amurka za ka taras da cewa mutum ko dai ya na jam’iyyar Democrat ne ko kuma ya na jam’iyyar Republican; a Birtaniya kuma ko dai ka na jam’iyyar Labour ne ko ka na ta Conservative. Ban da wa]annan, babu wasu manyan jam’iyyu, illa wasu }ananan jam’iyyu da ke gefe guda don kula da mutanen da su ke ganin ra’ayin su ya bambanta da na wa]annan ]in.

Ka lura, ita a}idar siyasa kamar addini ce: mutum ba ya ficewa don kurum kwa]ayin wata ganima da ya hango. Mutane su kan ha]e ne saboda sun yi amanna da wasu muradai da aka tsara, wanda shi ne ke sa su su yi wani abu a siyasance tare da yin aiki da kundin a}idar su. Ba su ha]uwa don kawai a taru a ci abin }walamar da ke kan tebur ko don a yi ginsamin abin jefawa cikin aljihu.

A yau, labari ya bambanta. Sai ka ga gungun mutane su na ta nin}aya a tekun siyasa, su na sanye da bajen wai su ’yan siyasa ne. Duk }ibar su, mayunwata ne kawai, kuma yunwar da su ke ji (ta giyar mulki ko ta naira) ita ce ke tunzura su, ba wai a}ida ba. Shi ya sa ba mamaki ka ga yadda ’yan siyasar da su ka yi suna a matsayin ’ya’yan wata jam’iyya, an wayi gari sun yi tsalle sun auka wata jam’iyyar, ko da kuwa sun yi shekaru su na ~ata ta. Ana kiran wannan halayyar wai sauyin she}a, kuma ’yan siyasa da dama a wannan }asa tamu su kan yi hakan cike da alfahari, kuma iya }arfin su, a yayin da kuma su ke borin kunyar cewa wai an }i jinin su ne a ]aya jam’iyyar. Misalin irin wa]annan ’yan siyasa bai da adadi. An za~i Alhaji Atiku Abubakar a matsayin gwamna a }ar}ashin PDP a shekarar 1999, to amma lokacin da wasa ya yi tsami tsakanin sa da Obasanjo sai ya kafa jam’iyyar AC, wadda ta lashe za~e a Jihar Ikko. A yau, ya dawo PDP, jam’iyyar da ya so ganin bayan ta, har ga shi ya nemi zama ]an takarar ta na shugabancin }asa. Alhaji Aminu Bello Masari babban ]an PDP ne, wanda shi ne kakakin Majalisar Wakilai na tsawon shekaru. A yau, ya na takarar gwamna a jam’iyyar CPCa Jihar Katsina. Dora Akunyili ma ’yar PDP ce wadda ta ri}e mu}amin ministar ya]a labarai da sadarwa a }ar}ashin shugabannin }asa har biyu; a yau, ’yar takarar zama sanata ce a }ar}ashin jam’iyyar APGA a Jihar Anambara. Dakta Abba Sayyadi Ruma, wanda a da babban ]an PDP ne, inda har ya ta~a zama sakataren gwamnati a Jihar Katsina kuma daga bisani ya zama ministan aikin gona, yanzu ya na takarar gwamna a }ar}ashin CPC. Shi ma Sanata Adamu Aliero jagora ne a PDP a da, amma yanzu ya na takarar zama sanata a }ar}ashin CPC a Jihar Kebbi. Malam Nuhu Riba]u wani jigo ne a gwamnatin PDP a zamanin Cif Olusegun Obasanjo, amma yanzu ]an takarar zama shugaban }asa ne a }ar}ashin ACN. Alhaji Attahiru [alhatu Bafarawa ya zama gwamnan Sakkwato ne a }ar}ashin ANPP, amma ya tafi ya kafa jam’iyyar DPP har ya yi mata takarar zama shugaban }asa a za~en 2007, amma a yau }usa ne a ACN, inda kwanan nan ya nemi tsayawa takarar shugaban }asa. Kai, lissafin bai kammaluwa.

A yanzu wa]annan mutanen da ire-iren su su na nuna mana cewa su wasu mahajirai ne da aka cuta a baya. To amma kowa ya san cewa sun canza she}a ne don kawai an tokare su a jam’iyyun su na baya, kuma za su iya komawa inda su ka fito da zarar sun samu mulki ko kuma sun ga babu sa’ida a inda su ka zo. Dalili kuwa, su a wurin su ai siyasa ba addini ba ce. Sai ka ce ba su ma san ma’anar kalmar ‘a}ida’ ba. Shi ya sa su ke watangaririya daga wannan jam’iyya zuwa waccan ba tare da jin kunya ko tsoro ba, sai ka ce }udan zuma mai neman furen kallo don ya yi }oto. Ha}i}a, wannan shi ne babban dalilin da ya sa ha]ewar jam’iyyun adawa don su kada shugaban }asa da ke kan gado ya ke da matu}ar wuya a }asar nan, wai gurguwa da auren nesa. Bari mu gani a cikin ’yan kwanakin nan idan a siyasar wannan zamanin za su sauya hali duk da yake Hausawa sun ce hali zanen dutse, ba ya kankaruwa.

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An buga a LEADERSHIP HAUSA

Divided, They Sink!

2011-01-22T06:15:00.000-08:00

If by the end of next week the opposition parties in Nigeria fail to coalesce and adopt a common candidate for the April general elections, we might as well conclude that none of their candidates can beat Dr. Goodluck Jonathan – free and fair election or no free and fair election. This prediction is couched in my firm belief that at the moment, the so-called opposition parties are in disarray as far as presenting a formidable front in the polls is concerned, and there seems to be no real indication that they could get their act together within the next seven days.

There is a clear desperation as the deadline for presenting names of candidates to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) draws near. It is borne out of the fear that now that Jonathan has secured the PDP ticket, he looks more formidable than he used to be before the primary election two weeks ago and looks set to win the big election in April. It is very clear now that unless the opposition parties come together and back one candidate, pushing Jonathan out would be a very Herculean task indeed.

Quite a number of discussions are taking place towards this end, but they don’t seem to be ending in any satisfactory result. Yesterday, the papers were awash with the story of a “secret” meeting between Malam Nuhu Ribadu of the ACN and Gen. Muhammadu Buhari of the CPC in the latter’s house in Kaduna. The meeting was held ostensibly to map out a strategy to snatch power from President Jonathan. The idea is in tandem with the ongoing moves to ensure that a northerner becomes president in the new dispensation.

But will that kite fly? Your guess is as good as mine. The opposition figures in the country are self-serving by nature. Each wants to be the one to reach the top, hence his inability to make a compromise in a power-sharing deal. Their meetings end in a cul-de-sac because each enters the meeting with a I-come-to-beg-you-to-leave-it-to-me agenda.

The reason for this is not far-fetched. Opposition politics in Nigeria is not what it used to be. There is a complete absence of ideology in the parties, which makes them to look the same except in name. In contrast, the strong parties of the good old days of the First Republic, such as the NCNC, NEPU, UMBC, and AG, as well as the UPN, NPP, GNPP, and PRP in the Second Republic were based on identifiable ideologies. The personalities leading or populating these parties were men and women that were consistent in their beliefs, not because they thought their beliefs would bring wealth or glory to them but because they felt without equivocation that, that was the best way to arrange the society and build the nation.

According to Wikipedia, political ideologies have two dimensions: 1. Goals: How society should function or be organized, and 2. Methods: The most appropriate way to achieve this goal. That is why in the United States of America, you are either Democratic or Republican; in Great Britain, you are either Labour or Conservative. In between these lie just a few alternatives, which are invariably incapable of rocking the boat too hard because the two major camps tend to be adequate for the diverse opinions people hold.

Mark you, political ideology is like religion: people don’t just quit for cheap porridge. People come together because they believe in a set of ideas, which is the driving force behind their political action and manifesto. They don’t gather in order to eat what is available on the dining table or share whatever they can get for their pockets.

Today, the story is different. You have a colony of drifters and quitters wearing the badge of politics. No matter how well-fed they look, they are just hungry, and it is their hunger (usually for power and money) rather than ideology which drives their actions. Little surprise, then, that you find politicians who had made a name as members of a political party suddenly drifting to another party, including one they had spent most of their political life castigating. The word for this is decamping, and many politicians in our country do it with pride and gusto while pretending to be victims of a “witch-hunt.” Examples are legion. Alhaji Atiku Abubakar was elected as a governor under PDP in 1999 but when the game between him and Obasanjo soured, he founded AC, which won the election in Lagos State. Today, he is back in PDP, a party he wanted to see destroyed, and had sought to become its presidential candidate. Alhaji Aminu Bello Masari, a top-notch member of the PDP, was a ranking member of the House of Representatives for many years. Today, he is a gubernatorial aspirant under CPC in Katsina State. Dora Akunyili was also a PDP member and had served as minister of information and communication under two presidents; today, she is a senatorial candidate under APGA in Anambra State. Dr. Abba Sayyadi Ruma, hitherto a leading member of the PDP, under which he served as commissioner and SSG in Katsina State and later minister of agriculture, is now seeking the governorship seat under CPC. Senator Adamu Aliero, another PDP stalwart, is now contesting under CPC. Malam Nuhu Ribadu, a senior official of the PDP government of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, is now the presidential candidate of ACN. Alhaji Attahiru Dalhatu Bafarawa became governor under ANPP, decamped to DPP which he founded in order to run for president in 2007, and is now a ranking member of the ACN, under which he sought to contest the presidency. The list is almost endless.

These people and others like them are now giving the impression that they are martyrs who have just found their heavens. It is believed, however, that they decamped only because their chances had been blocked in their former parties and would return as soon as they have captured power or found no succour in their new parties. After all, party politics is no religion. They don’t even recognise the word ‘ideology’. This is why they drift from one party to another without blinking an eye, like bees looking for flower from which to suck pollen. This is also exactly why it is difficult to forge an alliance capable of defeating an incumbent president in this country. We will see if the leopard can change its spots in the next one week or so.

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND today

Wai wannan shi ne zabe?

2011-01-21T12:02:00.000-08:00

BABU shakka, duk wanda ya kalli yadda aka aiwatar da za~en fidda gwani na takarar zama shugaban a jam’iyyar PDP zai ce lallai an yi za~en bisa adalci. Dalili, tun da farko sai da aka tantance dalaget-dalaget ]in da su ka zo domin yin za~en, aka ba su takardu, duk a gaban wakilan ’yan takarar guda uku, wato Shugaban {asa Goodluck Jonathan da tsohon mataimakin shugaban }asa Alhaji Atiku Abubakar da kuma Madam Sarah Jibril; na biyu, a bainar jama’a aka ri}a jefa }uri’a, kuma a cikin akwatin roba wanda kowa na iya ganin abin da ke cikin shi; ita ma }idayar }uri’un a bayyane aka yi ta; sannan a gaban wakilan ’yan takarar aka yi komai, har ma su na da damar tofa albarkacin bakin su idan su ka so yin hakan. Su kan su ’yan takarar, an gayyace su zuwa taron za~en fidda gwanin da aka yi a dandalin Eagle Square, Abuja, inda su ka fa]a wa duniya aikin da za su yi wa jama’a idan an za~e su. Bugu da }ari, an watsa dukkan sha’anonin taron kai-tsaye ta hanyar tashoshin talabijin na NTA da AIT, wa]anda ana kama su a ko’ina a duniya. Hakika, da wuya ka kalli wannan tsari ka ce abin bai burge ka ba.

To amma abin tambaya shi ne: da gaske ne an yi za~en ba tare da magu]i ba? Shin da gaske ne Shugaba Jonathan ya lashe za~en ba wata tantama, kwatankwacin yadda Cif Mashood Abiola ya lashe babban za~en da aka yi a 1993?

In aka ce za~e babu mur]iya, to dole ne ya kasance iyayen jam’iyya ko jami’an gwamnati ba su gitta wa shi mai jefa }uri’a wasu matsaloli ko wasu }ayoyi a kan hanya ba. Misali, ba su yi masa wata barazana ko tilastawa ko wata musgunawa a bayyane ko a kaikaice ba. Tilas ne mai ka]a }uri’a ya zama mai cikakken ’yanci, mai yanke hukunci kan wanda zai za~a bisa dogaro da hujjojin da ya gani na irin aikin ciyar da }asa gaba da ]an takara ya zayyana a kundin }udirin sa. Tilas ne ya kasance }wa}walwar sa ta ba shi cikakkiyar amincewa da cewa lallai wannan ]an takarar zai yi wa jama’a aiki ba tare da son rai ba. Kada ya zamana an takura masa ko an ja ra’ayin sa da wata kyautar ku]i, ko al}awarin samun wani abin duniya ko kuma barazanar wani abu zai same shi idan bai bi sahun da ake so ya bi ba.

Idan mu ka yi amfani da wa]annan bayanai da ke sama a kan abin da ya wakana daga ranar Alhamis zuwa asubahin Juma’a na makon jiya a dandalin Eagle Square, to babu shakka dariya za mu yi kan i}irarin da iyayen PDP ke yi na cewa wai sun gudanar da za~en fidda gwanin ba tare da mur]iya ba. Da farko, idan mun duba da kyau, za mu ga cewa ai tun ma kafin ranar za~en ta zo ne aka shirya wa Jonathan samun nasara, wato tun ma kafin dalaget su zo Abuja, sannan wa]anda su ka yi wannan }ullin ba wasu ba ne illa gwamnonin jihohi wa]anda ke ganin cewa duk abinda su ka zartar shi ne ya dace da al’ummar jihohin su. A wannan za~en fidda gwanin, dalaget ba su da bambanci da tumakai, kuma gwamnoni ne makiyayan su. Kawai gwamna ya ba su umurnin ga wanda za su za~a idan an je Abuja, ko da kuwa su a ran su ba shi su ke so ba.

A wurin yanke wannan shawarar ne aka yi duk wani sa-toka-sa-katsi. A nan aka nuna masu cewa duk wanda ya yi biyayya ga umurni, zai samu kyakkyawar sakayya, yayin da shi kuma wanda ya bi son ran sa, za a kalle shi a matsayin maci-amana, sannan zai ji a jikin sa. A }asa irin tamu inda fatara ta yi katutu, jama’a na bin duk inda su ka ga ya fi mai}o ne, shi ya sa babu wata wahala wajen samun masu biyayya fiye da ‘maciya-mana’. Wannan ne ya sa gwamnoni, wa]anda su ne wu}a da nama a wurin watandar ku]a]en jihohin su, su ke kasancewa uwa da makar~iya a duk wani za~e da za a yi a Nijeriya. Idan kun tuna, tsohon gwamna Donald Duke ya ta~a ba mu labarin duk yadda hakan ke faruwa, a wata hira da jaridar The Guardian ta yi da shi a bara.

Ko a kwanan nan sai da ]aya daga cikin jigajigan PDP, wato Cif Tony Anenih, wanda ya yi }aurin suna wajen shirya duk wata dabara ko ma}ar}ashiya ta samun galaba a jam’iyyar, ya sha wa ’ya’yan jam’iyyar alwashi a wurin babban taron jam’iyyar a Birnin Benin cewa duk wani dalaget da ya yi gigin za~en Atiku, to za a gano shi a hukunta shi. Abin mamaki, babu wanda ya nuna damuwa kan wannan muhimmiyar barazanar daga mutumin da aka san cewa in ya ce zai yi abu, to fa sai ya yi ]in; hatta su kan su ’yan ~angaren Atiku ba su ce komai ba.

Wata hanyar dabara da mashirya za~en fidda gwanin su ka bi don bai wa Jonathan nasara kuma ita ce yadda su ka rarraba masu za~e jiha-jiha. Ga wanda bai gane ba sai ya yi zaton an yi haka ne don a samu sau}in tantance masu za~e da kuma wajen }irga }uri’un da aka ka]a. To amma gaskiyar maganar ita ce an yi wannan shirin ne don masu za~e su ji a ran su cewa idan ba su za~i wanda gwamnan su ya ce su za~a ba, to ana ganin su, kuma za a iya gano su. Shi ya sa yanzu za ka iya gane jihar da “ta fi son” Jonathan da kuma wadda “ta ci amanar shi”. Akwai alamun cewa zufa ta karyo wa Gwamna Isa Yuguda a lokacin da ake }irga }uri’un Jihar Bauchi; dalili shi ne kowa ya san cewa Yuguda ]an ga-ni-kashe-nin shugaban }asa ne, to kuma sai ga shi dalaget ]in jihar sa sun ba Atiku har }uri’u 44. Duk da yake Jonathan ne ya yi kaye da }uri’u 2 kacal, mutane da dama sun fara tambaya kan anya wannan gwamnan ya na da cikakken iko kan dalaget ]in sa da kuma idan ya na ba shugaban }asa cikakken goyon baya? Irin wannan karkasa masu za~en jiha-jiha ya ba Jonathan kyakkyawar dama ta hanayar tilasta masu su daidaita sahun su da nasa. Da gaske, ba sai mun kira hakan da sunan magu]in za~e }arara ba domin inda aka yi magu]in shi ne tun wajen shirya tsarin za~en.

Magana ta gaba ita ce batun ku]i. Mun ga yadda kafafen ya]a labarai su ka dinga samun ku]in shiga ta hanyar tallace-tallacen da ’yan takarar su ka ri}a sakawa kafin a yi za~en. To amma wasu wa]anda su ka ca~a su ne dalaget. Ni ]in nan na zanta da wasu daga cikin dalaget ]in da su ka zo za~en, kuma sun fa]a mani cewa lallai an raba masu ma}udan ku]a]e. Tun a jihohin su an bi su an ba su kyautar ku]i iri-iri. Sannan gwamnoni ne su ka ]auki nauyin tafiyar su, da ba su wurin kwana da ku]in abinci. An yi masu hu]uba mai yawa kan abin da za su yi a Abuja, da kuma abin da ba a yarda su yi ba. Wanin su ya ce mani, “Abin yadda ka san aikin soja. Za a ba ka umarni, sannan ba a yarda ka yi wani abu na kankin kan ka ba.” Wani dalaget ya bayyana mani cewa da su ka zo Abuja, sai ga kyautar ku]in da Atiku ya aiko ta na jiran su - wato dalar Amurka, wuri na gugar wuri har dala 3,000 ga kowane dalaget ]aya, to amma kuma sai wannan ku]i su ka zama kamar wasan yara a lokacin da kyautar da Jonathan ya aiko ta zo - ita kuma dala 7,000 ga kowane dalaget. Idan kai mai wayo ne, sai ka kar~i duka biyun, ka ga ka tashi da dala 10,000 kenan - kuma kusan kowa hakan ya yi. Duk da haka, na fahimci cewa ba wannan ku]in ba ne su ka ja akalar dalaget ]in a }arshen }arshe, a’a, umurnin gwamna ne. Dalaget }alilan ne su ka bau]e, ba su bi umarni ba.

Abin tambaya shi ne: don me gwamnonin su ka mara wa Jonathan baya a wannan za~en? Shin su ba sun ci nasu za~en fidda gwanin ba? E, sun ci, to amma sun san da cewa har yanzu da sauran rina a kaba, wato kujerar su ba ta gama zama daidai ba. Har yanzu Jonathan ya na da iko kan su. Idan har ba su haye sira]in za~en da za a yi a Afrilu ba, to da saura baya - wai an yi fiton mai gwaiwa. Don haka, yawancin su su na ganin gwamma su bi a sannu ta hanyar bin umurnin jam’iyya da na fadar shugaban }asa da kuma na ’yan koren Jonathan. Shi ya sa ba abin mamaki ba ne ganin yadda Jonathan ya doke Atiku a Jihar Abiya inda ya samu }uri’a 80 shi kuma Atiku 1 kacal, ya samu 141 a Akwa Ibom yayin da Atiku bai samu ko ]aya ba; ya samu }uri’a 67 a jihar sa ta Bayelsa yayin da Atiku bai samu ko ]aya ba; ya samu 105 a Kuros Riba yayin da Atiku bai ci ko ]aya ba, kuma ya samu 128 a Ribas yayin da Atiku ya samu 2 kacal.

To, ko an }i ko an so, yanzu ne ya}in ya fara zafi. Ko waye ya shirya za~en fidda gwani na makon jiya, ya yi ne don ya ba Jonathan nasara a babban za~en da za a yi nan da wata biyu. “Da haka mu ka fara” - kuturu ya ga mai }yasfi. Mu dai mun zura na-mujiya mu ga yadda kokowar za ta kaya, musamman yadda Atiku zai yi }o}arin yin ramuwa kan wannan babban kaye da aka yi masa duk da tunatarwar da ya yi wa dalaget.

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An buga wannan sharhin a LEADERSHIP HAUSA, a yau Jumma'a

Hattara da ramuka a gaba!

2011-01-21T11:49:00.000-08:00

A jiya Alhamis ne ]imbin ’ya’yan jam’iyyar PDP, musamman dalaget, su ka yi kwamba a Abuja domin gudanar da za~en fitar da gwani wanda zai yi takarar zama shugaban }asa a }ar}ashin inuwar jam’iyyar su. Tun kafin ranar, dalaget da sauran membobin PDP ]in su ka dinga antayowa zuwa cikin babban birnin na tarayya, ta yadda ko ya zuwa ran Talata da wuya mutum ya samu ]aki a dukkan otal-otal na garin. Su ma wuraren cin abinci sun cika ma}il da ba}in.

In ba domin batun ya shafi PDP ba ne, to da wata}ila sai mu zuba na mujiya kurum, mu yi kallon bada}alar da ake yi. To amma PDP ta na kurarin cewa ita ce jam’iyyar siyasa da ta fi kowace girma a nahiyar Afrika. Haka kuma ita ce jam’iyyar da ke mulki a Nijeriya. Ta haifar da shugabannin }asar har guda uku daga lokacin da aka fara Jamhuriya ta Hu]u, domin kuwa ita ce aka ce ta lashe za~u~~ukan shugaban }asa da aka yi a cikin 1999 da 2003 da kuma 2007. Sannan ita ce ke da rinjaye a yawancin jihohin tarayyar }asar nan, da kuma Majalisar Tarayya. {ungiyar Gwamnonin Nijeriya yawanci membobin PDP ne su ka cika ta, kuma ta na daga cikin }ungiyoyi masu fa]a a ji a }asar nan. Bugu da }ari, duk wasu tsare-tsare na mulkin }asa wa]anda PDP ta fito da su kuma ta ke aiwatarwa, wa]anda aka ]ibiya a kan ]imbin ku]a]en shiga da ke zuwa daga safarar man fetur, su na shafar rayuwar jama’ar }asar nan. Saboda haka, ko an }i ko an so, za~en wanda zai tsaya takarar zama shugaban }asa na jam’iyyar ya na da matu}ar tasiri a rayuwar ’yan Nijeriya, ya Allah tasirin nan mai kyau ne ko akasin haka. Don haka, tilas ne mu damu kan wannan lamari, domin duk shukar da za a yi a wannan gangami zai iya shafar rayuwar mu kusan ta kowane ~angare.

Kamar yadda kowa ya sani ne, wannan ne karo na farko da shugaba mai ci yanzu, wato Dakta Goodluck Jonathan, ya ke takarar wani mu}ami da sunan sa. A da, shi sifiya-taya ne kurum - inda a Jihar Bayelsa ya yi mataimakin gwamna, sannan a 2007 ya zama mataimakin shugaban }asa. A yanzu ne ya ke gwajin farin jinin sa a karo na farko. Idan har ya na so ya zama za~a~~en shugaban }asa, to, na farko sai ya tsallake sira]in za~en da aka taru a yi a jiya, 13 ga Janairu. Idan ya ci, sai kuma shallake sira]i na biyu: wato kada abokan hamayyar sa wa]anda sauran jam’iyyu za su tsayar. Duk wa]annan sira]an, ba wasan yara ba ne. Aiki ne wurjanjan. Ko a kogin farko da ya ke }o}arin hayewa yanzu, akwai maridan kadoji a ciki; Jonathan ya na bugawa ne a za~en fidda gwani mafi tsauri a takarar zama shugaban }asa da aka ta~a yi a tarihin siyasar Nijeriya.

Hakan na faruwa ne saboda abin da masu nazarin al’amuran yau da kullum su ke kallo a matsayin da~a wa ciki wu}a da PDP ta yi: wato yarjejeniyar kar~a-kar~ar shugabancin }asa tsakanin arewa da kudu da ta rattaba hannu a kai. Jonathan ya ]are kujerar shugaban }asa ne ta hanyar sa’a kurum lokacin da maigidan sa, Shugaba Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, ya kwanta dama. A yarjejeniyar da aka yi, kamata ya yi shugaban }asa da zai maye gurbin Yar’Adua ya fito daga arewa domin kuwa shi Yar’Adua bai kammala wa’adin da ya kamata yankin ya yi ba. To amma shi Jonathan da magoya bayan sa, sun za~i su yi fatali da wannan yarjejeniyar. Su kuwa manyan ’yan takarar PDP daga arewa, sai su ka janye, su ka goyi bayan tsohon mataimakin shugaban }asa, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar (Turakin Adamawa), sakamakon yarjejeniyar fidda ]an takara }waya ]aya na arewa a jam’iyyar da aka yi, kuma akwai yiwuwar shi za su ci gaba da goyon baya a wannan za~en fidda gwanin da kuma bayan za~en.

A yayin da ake cikin haka, sai ~angarorin biyu su ka shiga ya}in watsa wa juna }asa a ido. A kullum sai ka ga wanin su ya na yi wa ]an’uwan sa ~atanci a jarida, da zargi iri-iri na cin hanci da rashawa da kuma ambaton wasu kalamai maras da]i da wani daga cikin su ya ta~a yi a baya. Manufa ita ce a nuna cewa wane bai dace da zama shugaba ba. [aya daga cikin wannan zargin na kwana kwanan nan shi ne inda aka ruwaito Atiku ya na ragargazar jam’iyyar ta PDP, aka ce wai ya yi kalamin ne a cikin watan Nuwamba na shekarar 2006.

Shin Atiku bai da hurumin yin irin wannan maganar a WANCAN lokacin, wanda kowa ya san cewa da gaske ne PDP jam’iyya ce inda ba a bin doka da oda? Kalamin da aka ce Atikun ya yi, wai ya yi shi ne a sashen Hausa na Muryar Amurka inda ya ce PDP “ba ta da }a’ida; ba ta bin doka da oda da kuma shugabannin ta.” Amma idan mun duba da kyau, za mu ga cewa duk abin nan da Atiku ya fa]a game da PDP a wancan lokacin, gaskiya ne. Akwai ma mutanen da su ka fa]i abin da ya fi haka. Shahararren marubucin nan, Farfesa Wole Soyinka, ya bayyana jam’iyyar PDP da cewa she}ar ba}a}en macizai ce kawai.

An shafe shekaru PDP ta na cikin rigingimu, ba don kurum ’ya’yan ta sun ]auke ta a matsayin hanya mafi gajarta wajen ku]ancewa a dare ]aya ba, a’a har ma da yadda babu tsarin dimokira]iyya a cikin ta. A PDP, ana cusa wa masu za~e ]an takara, a ce shi ake so a za~a ko da kuwa jama’a ba su son shi, kuma lallai ne duk wanda aka tsayar sai ka ji shi ne ya lashe za~en. Sakamakon haka, a yayin da ake ta kiraye-kirayen cewa ya kamata a kimtsa jam’iyyar, sai ’ya’yan ta da yawa su ka dinga sauya she}a. Kuma jam’iyyar ta fa]i a sababbin za~u~~uka da aka yi a wasu jihohin. A yau ma da hukumar za~e ta ke ta yayata cewa za ta gudanar da za~e fisabilillahi, ai ga shi nan ’yan PDP da dama sun yi hijira zuwa wasu jam’iyyun, inda su ka tsaya takara. Alamun cewa an fara dawowa daga rakiyar jam’iyyar ta bayyana }arara a za~u~~ukan fidda gwani na takarar zuwa Majalisar Tarayya da aka gudanar a }arshen makon jiya, inda sanatoci da ’yan Majalisar Wakilai da dama su ka sha kaye a hannun abokan adawar su. To, kallo ma bai }are ba har sai an zo za~e tsakanin jam’iyya da jam’iyya; a nan ne idon wasu ’yan takara - ciki kuwa har da gwamnoni - zai raina fata. Sai ga shi a yau PDP ta shiga gargada, duk da cika-bakin da shugaban ta na }asa na lokacin, wato Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, ya ta~a na cewa sai sun yi mulki har na tsawon shekara 60 ba tsinkewa; yanzu akwai alamun za ta fa]i ba nauyi.

Wannan za~en fidda gwanin da ’yan PDP ke yi a Abuja zai iya haifar da alheri ko sharri ga jam’iyyar, har abin ya shafi }asa baki ]aya. Akwai ]ar ]ar ]in da ake yi na abin da zai iya wakana idan har Jonathan ya fa]i a za~en ko idan Atiku ne ya fa]i. Tambayar da ake yi ita ce, shin idan shugaban }asar ya sha }asa, zai koma koyarwar sa a makaranta ne ko kuwa zai samu wata mafaka ne inda zai ri}a cin duniyar sa da tsinke? Ma’ana, zai yarda ya sauka daga karagar mulki kuwa kamar yadda ya ta~a al}awartawa? Ko kuwa zai yi irin na Shugaba Laurent Gbagbo na }asar Cote d’Ivoire ne, ya ce atafau ba zai sauka ba? Sa’annan ko kuwa shi Atiku, angulu za ta koma gidan ta na tsamiya ne ko kuma zai sake dabarar da ake ra]e-ra]in zai bi, idan har aka tandara shi da }asa? Ku sani cewa ita wannan sabuwar dabarar, ba fa wadda ’yan ~angaren Jonathan ke ya]awa ba ce, cewa wai Atiku ya ce zai janyo fitina idan ba a za~e shi ba. Dabarar dai ita ce wata}ila shi da magoya bayan sa su fice daga PDP su koma wata jam’iyyar su mara wa ]an takarar ta baya, misali jam’iyyar CPC ta su Janar Muhammadu Buhari, ba don komai ba sai don a tabbatar da cewa an ta]iye Jonathan.

Shahararren marubucin nan ]an }asar Ingila wanda ya rasu ]aruruwan shekaru da su ka gabata, wato William Shakespeare, ya rubuta a littafin sa na wasan kwaikwayo mai suna Julius Caesar cewa a tabbatar an yi kaffa-kaffa da ranar 13 ga Maris ko ranar 13 ga Janairu, domin kuwa wani mugun abu na iya faruwa a ranar ko a sakamakon ta. Sai ga shi ’yan PDP sun taru domin yin za~e a ran 13 ga Janairu. To, mu dai addu’ar mu ita ce ko ma wace irin waina aka toya a jiya Alhamis, Allah Ya sa ta alheri ce ga Nijeriya. Manyan kurayen da ke mulki a kan dokin PDP sun da]e su na yi wa ’yan Nijeriya hawan }awara, bayan kuwa a baki su na i}irarin wai sun zo ne su ceci talaka daga fatara da yunwa. Sai ga shi fatara da yunwar ba su ragu ba. Ci-gaban mai ginar rijiya kawai ake yi. Nijeriya ta ci gaba da kasancewa }asa mai koma-baya ta fuskar tattalin arziki, sannan ta na daga cikin jerin }asashe wa]anda cin hanci da rashawa ya yi wa katutu. Ya Allah, mu na ro}on Ka sa kada mu fa]a cikin ramukan da mu ke hangowa a gaban mu. Amin summa amin.

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An buga a LEADERSHIP WEEKEND ta makon jiya

You Call That An Election?

2011-01-17T10:35:00.000-08:00

Yes, the special convention of the Peoples Democratic Party had all the trappings of a free and fair election. Delegates who were going to choose the party’s candidate for the April election were screened and got accreditation in the presence of agents of the three aspirants; votes were cast in the open and into transparent ballot boxes; the counting was done in similar fashion – in the open; the aspirants’ agents were present throughout and were permitted to put in a word if necessary. The aspirants had been invited to tell the delegates what they had in store for the nation. Above all, the whole event was televised live on the NTA, Africa’s largest TV network whose signals are beamed across the globe. You couldn’t have watched this event at the venue or on TV and not be impressed by the meticulous manner in which it was organised. But was it free and fair? Did President Goodluck Jonathan defeat Alhaji Atiku Abubakar fair and square, to borrow from Malam Adamu Ciroma’s description of Chief MKO Abiola’s victory in the presidential election of 1993?

To be free and fair, an election must be truly free from the encumbrances imposed by party stalwarts and government officials, such as intimidation, coercion or blackmail. The voter should be able to exercise his free will, relying on the faith he has in the stated manifesto of the candidate. He has to be persuaded by his conscience that the candidate will serve the collective interest of the community or nation. He should not be compromised by financial inducement, promise of goodies or threat to his privileges. If one applies this clear definition to the event that spanned Thursday to yesterday morning, one would no doubt laugh over what the PDP apparatchiks called a free and fair election. To begin with, the outcome of Jonathan’s victory had been decided long before the party delegates began to arrive Abuja by state governors who believe that whatever they do is in the national interest and that they are acting on behalf of the multitudes. In this primary election, the delegates were mere sheep and their state governors the herdsmen. They were simply commanded to vote for each governor’s choice, which was not necessarily their own choice.

It was during such decision-making that both the stick and the carrot were wielded. Loyalty would be handsomely rewarded while independence of choice, regarded as betrayal, would attract severe sanctions. In our impoverished country where most people go for where their bread is buttered, it is easy to see loyalty than ‘betrayal’. This is why the governors, who control the purse-strings of their states, are the key element in any election in Nigeria. Former governor Donald Duke had told us how it is done, in a bare-all interview he granted The Guardian last year. And only recently, one of the leading chieftains of the PDP, Chief Tony Anenih, who goes by the sobriquet Mr. Fix It (with an added “Slouching an AK-47 of Dirty Tricks”) promised the party’s faithful in Benin City that anyone who dared to vote for Atiku in the presidential primaries would be fished out and punished. Surprisingly, this threat from a man notorious for carrying out to the letter what he intends to do was glossed over by most people, even by the Atiku camp.

Another hat-trick scored by the organisers of the event was the categorisation of the delegates state by state. Ostensibly, this was done in order to make for an easy accreditation and counting. However, it is easy to surmise that this arrangement had forced a precondition on the voters: vote for who your governor told you or we will find out. Now it is possible to know which states “liked the president most” and which ‘betrayed’ him. One could see Governor Isa Yuguda almost sweating as the Bauchi tally was being given; Yuguda, a staunch supporter of the president, has had his delegates giving Atiku as many as 44 votes. Even though Jonathan won by just 2 votes, questions are legion over the governor’s real control over his delegates or even his real loyalty to Aso Rock. This kind of regimentation has played in Jonathan’s favour by intimidating delegates into falling in line. Of course, we are not expected to call this a rigging of the votes because what it did was to rig the voting system from day one.

The next issue is money. We have all seen how the media made a kill in the advertising market in the run-up to the primaries. But those who made the biggest kill were the delegates to the convention. I have personally talked to some of the delegates, who confided in me that huge amounts were shared among them. Right from home, they collected all sorts of monetary gifts. Their trip, accommodation and feeding were sponsored by their governors. They received a lot of blandishment on what and what not to do in Abuja. “It was like being in the army,” one told me. “You were given orders, and no questions were brooked.” Another delegate confided in me that on arrival in Abuja, they were accosted with Atiku’s gift – US$3,000.00 per delegate – but, then, that gift became chickenfeed by the time Jonathan’s windfall came – US$7,000.00 per delegate. If you were smart enough to collect from the two camps, as many delegates did, you became US$10,000.00 richer. Still, my findings indicated that this monetary inducement was not the real deciding factor in the end; the state governor’s decision was the one.

And you ask: why did the governors have to back Jonathan in this primary? Have they not got their own ticket? Yes, they have, but they also knew that their political fate still hangs in the balance; until the April elections are done with, there are many minefields ahead. For most of them, it was safer to play by the rules of the game as spelt out by the party, the presidency and the strange bedfellows parading themselves as the pro-Jonathan bulwark. Any wonder, then, that Jonathan was able to win 80 votes to Atiku’s 1 in Abia, and 141 - 0 in Akwa Ibom, 67 – 0 in the president’s home state of Bayelsa; 105 – 0 in Cross River and 128 – 2 in Rivers?

Rules or no rules, the game – call it war – has just begun. Whoever organised Thursday’s primary this way is determined to give Jonathan victory in the next two months. The taste of the pudding is in the eating. It would be interesting to see how Atiku, who must have been humbled by his defeat in spite of all the reminders he read out to the delegates on the (s)election night, will fight back.

Korar Shaidan daga Filato

2011-01-12T10:19:00.001-08:00

Shai]an ya samu mafaka a Jihar Filato. Ya na amfani da gazawar bil’adama ya na shuka shakku da rashin yarda, da gaba da kuma son ramuwa a zukatan mutane. Idan ya samu zuciyoyin da son rai ya cika su, sai ya antaya gaba a cikin su. Daga nan sai ka ga ya kambama fushin da ya yi katutu a zukata, ya zuga mutane, wanda hakan kan haifar da kashe-kashen rayuka ba }a}}autawa. Shai]an ya na jin da]i a duk lokacin da ya ga mun yi fatali da }aunar junan mu, mun shiga rikicin da zai iya ruguza zamantakewar mu. Ya kan yaudari mutane don su yi fa]a da junan su, su ragargaza al’ummar su. Ha}i}a, Shai]an abokin gabar bil’adama ne.

Jos ta zama lahirar makwa]aita a yau saboda Shai]an ya tare a can. Kusan a ce Jos ta zama garin da ba garin zama ba. Gari ne na ya}i, inda mutane ke zaman ]ar ]ar. Rai ba bakin komai ba ne a Jos. Mutuwa ce kawai ke ratsawa, ta na shan jini. A yau, hatta ’yan sanda da sojoji, wa]anda farar hula su ka dogara gare su don samun tsaro, tsoron aiki a Jos su ke. Wani rahoto da jaridar Leadership ta buga a ran Juma'a ta makon jiya ya nuna cewa ’yan sanda 52 ne su ka rasa rayukan su a rikice-rikicen da aka dinga yi a Jos daga shekarar 2002 zuwa yau.

Abin ba}in ciki ne a ce Shai]an ya samu gindin zama a Jos domin kuwa, na farko dai, birni ne mai kyan gani; kamata ya yi a ce Shai]an ya tafi can wani mummunan wuri. Na biyu, a da can Jos gari ne inda ake zaman lafiya, shi ya sa ma mutane daga sassa daban-daban na duniya su ka koma can su ka zauna, wanda hakan ya sa Jos ta kasance al}aryar da ta fi kowace tara }abilu a duk arewacin Nijeriya. A da, in aka yi rikici a Kano ko Kaduna, sai ka ga mutane su na guduwa zuwa Jos. Na uku, bai kamata Shai]an ya zauna a Jos ba domin kuwa akwai ]imbin mabiya addini sau da }afa a garin. Gari ne na masu da’awar ya]a addini tun a zamanin Turawa. Shugabannin Kirista da malaman Musulunci sun ]auki garin a matsayin babbar cibiyar aikin su na ya]a addini, ba ma a lardin Binuwai-Filato ka]ai ba, har ma a duk fa]in Arewa.

To, ya aka yi har Shai]an, wannan bawa abin }i, ya samu mafaka a wannan kyakkyawan birni, al}aryar fastoci da rabaran-rabaran da malamai da shaihunnai? Wanene ya ba shi masauki a can, inda daga nan mutane kan yi amfani da gariyo da wu}a}e da takubba da gorori - yanzu ma har da bamabamai - su na aikawa da junan su barzahu? Wa ya ba shi gidan haya a Filato? ’Yan siyasa su na cewa wai ’yan siyasa ne ke jawo rikicin Filato. Zan iya yarda da haka domin kuwa idan ka duba baya da kyau, kafin a yi amfani da siyasa a raba kan garin, ai jama’a su na zaman lafiya da junan su, su ci abinci tare, su yi biki tare, kuma su kwanta tare. Da yawan sun yi auratayya da junan su.

Idan har za a kori Shai]an daga Jos, tilas ne sai shugabannin mu sun gano 'yan siyasar da ke jawo wannan mummunar fitinar. Kowa ya yarda da cewa wasu manyan mutane ne ke haddasa ta. To, wai su waye su? A fa]i sunan su mana, kuma a yi masu hukuncin ba-sani-ba-sabo, tare da ’yan koren su da su ke turawa don kai hare-hare.

Wani batun da kowa ya yi amanna da shi kuma shi ne, akwai kasawa a ~angaren shugabanni. Wannan ma ta ba da gudunmawa wajen faruwar rikicin. Me ake nufi da hakan? Kawai ana nufin cewa gwamnatin tarayayya a }ar}ashin Jonathan ta gaza kafa dokar ta-~aci a jihar. Kullum sai cacar baki ta ke yi. Ita ma gwamnatin jihar ta kasa ]aukar kowa da kowa a matsayin ]an Nijeriya, ta maida wasu ’ya’yan bora. Sai ka ji ana fa]in “’yan }asa” da kuma “’ya’yan ba}i.” Shin wa ya san wa]annan kalaman a da can lokacin da mutane ke zaune tare a matsayin 'yan'uwan juna? An yi ittifa}i da cewa wannan gazawar ta shugabanci ta faru ne a sanadiyyar salon mulkin Gwamna Jonah David Jang. Mutane da dama a ciki da wajen Jihar Filato sun yarda da abu ]aya: cewa Jang wani ~angare ne na yadda aka kasa samun maslaha a matsalar Filato, ko ma a ce SHI NE matsalar. Gazawar da ya yi wajen yin mulki bisa adalci a }asar sa, ko dai ta hanyar }ara iza wutar rikicin da gangan ko kuma ta hanyar rashin iya shugabanci, ta kasance ala}a}ai }ashin bakin tulu wajen samun tabbataccen zaman lumana. Shugabannin Kirista da dama wa]anda ba su jin tsoron su fa]i gaskiya sun yi amanna da cewa, sam, shi wannan gwamnan ba zai iya magance wannan matsala mai sar}a}iya ba; maimakon haka, ya ~ige kawai ga kame-kamen iska - misali ya na zargin abokan adawar sa a jam’iyyar sa cewa su na so su ga bayan sa. Wannan babbar gazawar ita ce }ashin bayan kiraye-kirayen da ake ta yi a ~angaren Kirista da na Musulmi cewa ya kamata a kafa dokar ta-~aci a jihar.

In da a }asashen da su ka ci gaba ne, to, da tuni Jang ya aje aiki da kan sa. Amma abin mamaki, a maimakon hakan, wai so ya ke ma ya }ara tsayawa za~e don ya sake mulki na shekara hu]u! Amma a gaskiya kamata ya yi ya gaggauta barin Gidan Gwamnati da ke unguwar Rayfield a }arshen wannan wa’adin na shekara hu]u da ya ke a kai yanzu, kada ya tsaya za~e. Dalili shi ne duk mai hankali zai iya fahimtar cewa idan har Jang ya }ara yin shekara hu]u a karagar mulkin Filato, to za a iya ci gaba da samun tashin hankali a jihar har na tsawon shekara hu]u; za a iya ci gaba da asarar ]aruruwa ko dubban rayuka, sa’annan za a iya ci gaba da harbin iskar da ake ta yi a yun}urin magance rikice-rikicen }abilanci da na addini a jihar.

Ya kamata Jang ya nuna kamala, kamar yadda ya kamata duk wani adalin shugaba ya nuna, kada ya ]auki kan sa a matsayin shugaban wani ~angare. Ya kamata ya san cewa shekaru hu]u da ya yi ya na mulki ba su haifar da komai ba sai mace-mace da ~arna, kuma ci gaba da mulkin sa ba zai haifar da ]a mai ido ba; zai haifar da matsaloli masu yawa a zamantakewa tsakanin addinai, ba kawai a Filato ba har ma a sauran jihohin }asar nan. Zai iya shafar zamantakewa ma baki ]ayan ta a }asar nan. Duk }asashen da su ka ci gaba, a yau sun kasance mazaunin jinsina da addinai mabambanta, ban da Filato. Kamata ya yi Jang kar~i }addara ya ce ya gaji da wannan haukan, ya bar wani mutum ya zama gwamna, ko da kuwa daga }auyen su mutumin zai fito, ko da za a samu dacen samun sabon sauyi.

Wannan muhimmin mataki da ya kamata a ]auka, za ta yiwu ba Jang ka]ai ba ne zai yanke shawarar ]aukar sa; ya kamata shugabannin }asar nan a ko'ina su ke su taimaka wajen ]aukar sa. Domin dai abu ne da ya shafi kowa da kowa, don haka su tabbatar da cewa Jang ya fahimci bu}atar da ke akwai ta samun sabon gwamna a Filato wanda zai fuskanci wannan abin ba}in ciki kai-tsaye, shugaba wanda zai zo da sabon tunani kan hanyar da za a bi a samu zaman lumana; shugaba wanda mugunyar siyasar da ake tafkawa yanzu ba ta ~ata masa suna ba. Duk gwamnan da za a ]ora a Filato sai ya fi Jang daraja a idon jama’a. Ya kamata a fahimci cewa shi fa Jang ba zai iya kare kowa daga mutuwa ko asara ba; shin ba shi ba ne gwamna, mai ri}e da cikakken iko da kuma ]imbin ku]i, amma an kashe ]aruruwan Kirista da Musulmi kuma aka ragargaza dukiya sai ka ce a Beirut ne ko Bagadaza ko kuma Zirin Gaza?

Idan har Jang ya }i yarda da shawarar da aka kawo, ya finjire kan sai ya ci gaba da mulki ko da me ko don me, to ha}}i ya rataya a wuyan jama’ar Jihar Filato na su kada shi a za~en da za a yi a bana. Da ma mulkin dimokira]iyya ya ba jama’a damar su yi waje-rod da duk wani shugaba da ya kangare masu. Duk wanda ya za~i Jang, to ya za~i ci gaba da rikicin shekara hu]u a Filato. Hakan zai kasance an ba Shai]an lassi kenan na ci gaba da zama a wannan kyakkyawar jiha, ya na jawo tashin-tashina da kisan kiyashi kan jama’a. Ya kamata Jang ya taimaki jama’ar sa - walau Kirista ne ko Musulmi, ko Birom ko kuma Hausawa - ya zo a taru a kori Shai]an daga Filato.

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An buga wannan makalar a jaridar LEADERSHIP HAUSA ta ranar Juma'a da ta gabata

Beware the Ides of January!

2011-01-10T10:39:00.000-08:00

On Thursday, next week, delegates of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) shall throng Eagle Square, Abuja, to select the person best suited to carry the party’s flag for this year’s presidential election. That day is January 13 which, incidentally, falls among the days dubbed the Ides in the Roman calendar. In this calendar, said to have been devised by Romulus, the mythical founder of Rome, months were organised around three days, each serving as a reference point for counting the others. One of them, known as Ides, fell on the 15th day in March, May, July, and October; and on the 13th in the other months.

The term Ides was made famous by the episode in Act 1 Scene 2 of William Shakespeare’s play Julius Caesar in which a seer warns the Roman emperor to “beware the Ides of March.” Caesar, knowing that the Ides is just another day, makes a joke of the warning the following day, thus: “Well, the Ides of March have come”, and the man answers insistently: “Ay, they have come, but they are not gone.” Caesar is later assassinated in the Theatre of Pompey by 62 senators, among whom are some members of his kitchen cabinet, such as Brutus. He has refused to heed the warnings of the old seer.

Even though the historical event happened over two thousand years ago, in 4 B.C., it has continued to fascinate readers, especially the notion of grave consequences that presumably follow any warning uttered while invoking the term “the Ides of March.” Now, some wise guys in the PDP had fixed the “Ides of January” (i.e. 13th day of the month) to choose their presidential candidate. Ordinarily, one would have dismissed the event as a non-issue, but, then, the PDP prides itself as the biggest political party in Africa. Above all, it is the ruling party in Nigeria. It has produced three presidents since the birth of the Fourth Republic, having been declared winner of the presidential elections in 1999, 2003 and 2007. It also controls most states of the federation, and the National Assembly. The Nigeria Governors’ Forum, populated by its members, is one of the major pressure groups in the country. Its neoliberal policies, anchored on huge petrodollar revenues, exert a great impact on the country’s more than 150 million people.

The selection of its presidential candidate is, therefore, bound to affect the nation’s fortunes, for better or worse. The incumbent president, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, is running for election for the first time in his life. In the past, he stood as running mate – in Bayelsa State as deputy governor and in 2007 as vice-president. Now he is testing his popularity for the first time. To become president on his own account, he must, first, scale the hurdle of the January 13 primary. If he wins, he would proceed to the second hurdle: defeating the presidential candidates of opposition parties. Both hurdles are no tea party. In his first great river to cross, Jonathan is facing the biggest contest in a presidential primary in Nigerian history.

This is the result of what many see as the party’s Achilles’ heel: the agreement its leaders signed, zoning the presidency between the north and the south. Jonathan became president by what his first name suggests – good luck – when his boss, President Umaru Yar’Adua, died. In the agreement, the next president must come from the north because Yar’Adua had not completed the region’s term in office. But Jonathan and his supporters have chosen to bury the pact. The main contestants from the north backed down in support of former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, following a voting on a consensus candidate and are expected to throw their weight behind him on January 13 and thereafter.

Meanwhile, mudslinging is going on between the two camps. Every day, one reads in the newspapers one charge or the other flying between them, mostly bordering on corruption allegations and assumed self-incriminating comments made in the past. The latest, published yesterday, was a condemnation of the ruling party said to have been made by Atiku in November 2006 – as if the man had no right to make such a statement at THAT material time when the party was an indisputable lawless behemoth. That statement, allegedly made on the Hausa Service of the VOA, quoted him as saying that the PDP “does not follow due process; it does not respect the rule of law and the constituted authorities.” The truth is that everything Atiku said about the PDP at the time was correct. Worse things were said by its members and observers. Prof. Wole Soyinka famously described the party as a nest of vipers.

For years, the PDP was embroiled in crises, not only because its members saw it as the shortest route to sudden riches, but also because it lacked internal democracy. Its candidates were imposed on the electorate, and they invariably emerged winners. Consequently, as calls for its reform filled the air, many of its members defected. The party lost heavily in many by-elections. Today, with the promise of free and fair elections from the electoral commission, many of its former members are seeking election via other parties. The giant PDP that once bragged it would rule Nigeria for 60 years is suddenly no longer so confident; it seems to be walking on feet of clay.

The presidential primary could be another make-or-mar milestone for the party and, probably, for the nation. There are fears about what would happen in the event that either Jonathan or Atiku loses the election. If the president loses, would he simply return to the classroom or somewhere quiet to enjoy his cool millions? And would Atiku squirm back into his shell to enjoy his millions or move to actualise his rumoured Plan B if he loses on that night of the long knives? The plan, mark you, is not his promised fire and brimstone as Jonathan’s camp alleges; it simply says that Atiku and his co-travellers might defect to another party, such as Muhammadu Buhari’s CPC, and back its candidate for the presidency in a last-ditch push against Jonathan.

Either way, there is something fishy, nay, eerie, about this January 13 convention. Whatever it is, one prays that it is good for this country. Nigerians have been held in bondage for too long by the PDP cabal, who come in the guise of rescuing the people from economic and social ruin. But the ruin has not abated. If anything, it has worsened. Nigeria remains backward economically and is listed as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. May the Ides of January not spell further doom for this nation. Amen.

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, last Saturday

Taking The Devil Out Of Plateau

2011-01-03T05:38:00.000-08:00

The Devil has found an abode in Plateau State. He exploits human frailties and plants doubts, distrust, hatred and revenge in people’s hearts. He finds hearts filled with prejudices and pours in venom. Then he fuels the accumulated anger, heating it to a level where it must burst into violent rage, remorseless killings and destruction. The Devil laughs whenever we discard the love which binds us as a community and is joyful that he can use us to destroy our societies. He lures people onto destruction and, finally, Hell. Isn’t the Devil man’s enemy?

Jos is hellish today because the Devil is there. Jos is almost no longer fit for human habitation. It is a war zone in a jungle, where people live in fear. Human life no longer has any sanctity. Death stalks the city, even in the interludes of peace, like the promise of acid rain. Today, even policemen and soldiers, on whom the civilian population depends for protection, are afraid to serve there. A report published in LEADERSHIP yesterday said that 52 cops had been killed in the crises that rocked the city since 2002.

It is most unfortunate that the Devil lives in Jos because, first, it is a beautiful city; the Devil should display his wares in ugly places. Second, Jos used to be very peaceful, hence people from all over the world made it their home, making it the most cosmopolitan town in northern Nigeria. In the past, people ran to Jos whenever there was sectarian violence in Kano or Kaduna. Third, the Devil shouldn’t have been living there because it is home to some of the most religious people in Nigeria. It has been a missionary hub since colonial times. Christian and Islamic evangelists regarded it as an important base in their task of spreading the Word not only in the old Benue-Plateau area but also across northern Nigeria.

So, how could the Devil, that most accursed creature, find a safe haven in this idyllic place, the city of pastors, reverends, malams and sheikhs? Who gave him a permanent residence there, a base from which people carry machetes, knives, swords, cudgels – and now bombs – to send one another to the great beyond? Who are his landlords on the Plateau? Politicians blame politicians for the crises. I want to agree because in the past, before politics was used to divide the city, ordinary people lived together in peace, eating together, partying together and sleeping together. Many inter-married.

To drive the Devil away, our leaders must find the so-called politicians who instigate this murderous conflict. Everyone agrees that some high-level personalities are culpable. But who are they? They should be named and severely punished, together with their errand boys, the killers who carry out the attacks.

Another point on which everyone is agreed is failure of leadership. This contributed much to the crisis. Meaning what? The Jonathan administration has refused to declare a state of emergency there. It is only paying lip service to the crisis. The state government has also failed to embrace every resident as a Nigerian citizen. Instead, it is mouthing phrases like ‘settler’ and ‘indigene.’ Where was this deadly dichotomy in years past when the people lived together as brothers and sisters?

This failure of leadership has been linked to the governance style of Governor Jonah David Jang. A wide spectrum of opinion in and out of Plateau is agreed on one indisputable fact: Jang is part of the problem – if not THE problem – in the resolution of the Plateau conundrum. His failure to provide statesmanlike leadership in his domain, by either wilfully fanning the embers of the crisis or from sheer incompetence, has been an obstacle in the way of finding a lasting peace. Many Christian leaders who are not afraid to tell the truth believe that the governor is pitifully incapable of solving this seemingly intractable problem; instead, he has been chasing shadows – such as blaming his opponents within his own political party. This gargantuan failure is responsible for the unending calls from both sides of the divide for the imposition of a state of emergency in the state.

In more civilised climes, Jang would have resigned from office long ago. Amazingly, he is eyeing another four-year term as governor! But it is imperative for him to quit the Rayfield Government House at the end of his first four-year tenure and not seek re-election. This is because it is easy to surmise that four more years of him as governor could mean four more years of conflict in Plateau State; four more years of hundreds or thousands killed, and four more years of the wild goose chase and failure to end the inter-ethnic and inter-religious divisions in the state.

Jang should show statesmanship, as any conscientious leader should, by not regarding himself as a factional leader. He should accept that his four years as governor have brought only death and destruction, and that renewing them would have a long-term implication for interreligious harmony not only on the Plateau but also in the rest of the country. It could redefine the future of cohabitation in the country. All civilised nations are becoming multi-ethnic and multi-religious. Jang should accept that he has had enough of this madness and allow another person, who could even come from his village, to become governor so that, perchance, a sea-change would occur.

This all-important decision may not be Jang’s alone; community leaders nationwide should help him decide. Because it is for the common good, they should impress it upon him that a new leadership is needed to address this unfortunate tragedy, a leader with a new vision of how peace could return; a leader untainted by the divisive politics of the moment. Any other governor in Plateau would be more trusted than Jang, who wears a cloak of suspicion and distrust. It is important to know that Jang cannot protect anybody; was he not there, with all the executive powers and funds, when hundreds of Christians and Muslims were killed and properties destroyed as if in Beirut, Baghdad or the Gaza Strip?

If Jang refuses to see the light and decides to carry on at all cost, then the good people of Plateau State must vote him out this year. In a democratic dispensation, and with the promise of free and fair polls, any recalcitrant politician must be shown the door by the electorate in a peaceful manner. Voting for Jang would mean voting for four more years of conflict. That would mean giving the Devil the licence to continue to stalk this picturesque state, causing mayhem and genocide. Jang should help his people – Christians, Muslims, Berom, Hausa, etc. – to expel Satan.

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, Saturday, 01 January 2011

There Are Over 400 Nigerian Prisoners In Turkey - Envoy

2010-12-29T03:49:00.000-08:00

Relations between Nigeria and Turkey are in an upward swing. The fillip was made possible with the restoration of relations between the two countries and the appointment of His Excellency Ahmed Abdulhamid Malammadori as Nigerian Ambassador to Turkey in May, 2008. Before his appointment by the then President Olusegun Obasanjo, Malammadori had been the minister of state for energy. Before then, he was a member of parliament in 2002 and had been a federal commissioner in the Federal Character Commission, responsibilities which, obviously, prepared him for his present task of protecting and projecting the image of Nigeria in Turkey.

Last October, I and the editor of Peoples Daily, Ahmed Shekarau, interviewed Ambassador Malammadori in Istanbul during a visit there. In the interview, he spoke about the nature of relations between Abuja and Ankara, the potentials this holds for the two countries and the challenges he faces, especially from the growing influx of Nigerians into that country. The interview was published in both LEADERSHIP and PEOPLES DAILY last month.

Your Excellency, how would you describe relations between Nigeria and Turkey since your assumption of office as Nigeria’s ambassador?
It is an excellent relationship, especially in the political area. We have been relating politically for a long time. In fact, we have been relating with Turkey since during the Ottoman Empire and the Kanem-Bornu empire. They were doing trans-Saharan trade between the two countries.

Turkey was among the first countries that opened their embassies in Nigeria immediately after Independence. In fact, Turkish Embassy has been in Nigeria since 1961, that was a year after Independence. Unfortunately, our embassy was closed down for some time and was reopened in the year 2000 during the era of President Obasanjo. Since then, we have been relating and doing a lot of discussion; there were a lot of agreements that were discussed between the two countries.

In which areas does Nigeria relate with Turkey mostly?
There are pending bilateral agreements that we are working on seriously, to see that those agreements are signed by the two countries. Recently, the president of Turkey was in Nigeria during the G-8 meeting. During that meeting, Nigeria agreed to have bilateral discussions with the president in which we looked at some of the pending bilateral agreements, which are quite many but are not finalised. So, it was the intention of the two presidents, if our president pays a reciprocal visit to Turkey, to finalise those agreements.

But now we have suggested a joint commission meeting between Nigeria and Turkey which Nigeria will host in Abuja on the 9th of November, this year, which will finalise those agreements and conclude them. So, anytime the president of Nigeria comes to Turkey, I believe, the two presidents will append their signatures on the agreements. And that will help us in moving forward in terms of bilateral agreements.

Are you working towards setting up a bi-national Commission between Turkey and Nigeria?
For now, what we have is the Joint Economic Commission. When this Commission holds its meeting in Abuja, we can know the way forward. But business between Turkey and Nigeria is improving seriously. When I came in, I met that visa requests between Turkey and Nigeria were below 20 visas in a month, but I can tell you that every month we are issuing not less than 70 to 80 visas to Turkish people going to Nigeria. There is a lot of investment going on between Turkey and Nigeria. Recently, there was a big business forum that Nigeria hosted between a Turkish company and NIPC (Nigerian Investment Promotion Council) with Nigerian business people. Before that, there was a group of people from one of the states in Turkey where about 250 business people visited Nigeria and they had a very good and wonderful interaction between the NIPC and the business people. That really helped us in improving the trade relationship between Nigeria and Turkey.

Which kind of commodities do the two sides trade in?
The Turkish side buys oil from Nigeria, steel and some agricultural items like sesame seeds and cashew nuts and many other products. The Nigerian side, we are having more partnership in the construction industry. You know, I tried to see how we could import their furniture and textiles, but because all these are contraband in Nigeria we are only encouraging them to come and establish their factories or have partnership with Nigerians so that they can produce their products in Nigeria.

In monetary terms, what is the volume of trade between the two countries?
Export from Nigeria stands a little above US$1 billion per annum. And the imports to Nigeria from Turkey stand below US$700 million per annum. So, with this I can say we are doing better.

What of in the area of cultural exchange? Is there any activity going on between the two sides?
Yes. It’s part of the pending bilateral agreements which we hope during this meeting we’ll conclude. There is an agreement on exchange of cultural activities, tourism, defence, education and so many other areas. On aviation, you know it is only Turkish Airlines that flies between Nigeria and Turkey; there is no any airline from Nigeria that flies to Turkey. And they are even working to improve their service, extending it to Abuja — from Abuja direct to Istanbul. I believe by early next year this will materialise.

What would you say are your challenges, especially in terms of managing the volume of human traffic between Nigeria and Turkey?
There are a lot of challenges, especially in the area of human trafficking and drugs. There is hardly a week I cannot get two or three notes on our people arrested at the airport carrying drugs, either going to Nigeria or coming from Nigeria. We have over 400 Nigerian prisoners now in different prisons in Turkey. Well, there are some that are carrying Nigerian passports but once we engage them we find out that they are not Nigerians. But the conclusion here is that they are Nigerians because they are carrying Nigerian passports. This has become a major challenge to us, especially with the little resources we have at the embassy or at the mission; there is no way we can assist in deporting our people back home. There are so many illegal Nigerian immigrants here.

Are there many Nigerians residing in Turkey?
Yes, there are quite a number of them. We have over 3,000 Nigerians residing in Istanbul and in various parts of Turkey. Even in the Turkish Cyprus, we have about 1,200 students. All these pose challenges. Especially if there are immigration problems, it is the embassy that always goes up and down to solve the problems, especially with the (Nigerian) policy of citizen diplomacy.

Those bad eggs from Nigeria, do they sell their drugs in Turkey or do they use the country as a transit point?
We suspect that they use Turkey as a transit point, but you can never tell because there must be an insider for this crime to be happening frequently. The rate at which it is happening is alarming and disturbing. We honestly feel that somebody, somewhere, must be aiding them even to get visa or find their way through Turkey. I think our immigration officers in Nigeria and other security agencies need to do a lot in terms of screening the people coming to Turkey.

Does Nigeria having a large Muslim population and Turkey being mostly Islamic confer on us any special privileges as a country?
In diplomacy, we don’t talk about religion, we only discuss the political and business relationships that exist between the two countries. The issue of religion is not part of our mandate.

We have seen a lot of Islamic relics here in Turkey, especially at the Palace. I wonder if Muslims from Nigeria come on tourism purposes, to visit such sites.
You see, it is not only Islam that has such monuments here. There are so many. This is the place where you have the last house where the Virgin Mary lived; Ephesus, which are mentioned in the Bible. There are so many religious, historical monuments in Turkey dating from the Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire, etc., that are of interest to Christians and Muslims.

How do you envisage the future relations between Nigeria and Turkey?
I expect that it will be very good. I can tell you that Turkey can provide an alternative market to China for Nigeria. There are a lot of discussions about the quality of products from China and I believe that the quality of products from Turkey are of European standard. And the Turks are very hospitable in terms of welcoming Nigerians and they are interested in doing business with Nigeria. If you can remember, in 2008 Africa signed the Istanbul Declaration with Turkey, and that has opened the doors of Turkey for Africa. And they see Nigeria as a major player in Africa. In fact, they believe that once they get the support of Nigeria, they have captured Africa in totality. So, the relationship between Turkey and Nigeria, if we do a little homework, I believe, will be wonderful.

Where Has Love Gone?

2010-12-25T04:05:00.000-08:00

Adam's sons are body limbs, to say;
For they're created of the same clay.
Should one organ be troubled by pain,
Others would suffer severe strain.
Thou, careless of people's suffering,
Deserve not the name, "human being".

-- Saadi Shīrāzī, Persian poet (1184 – 1283/1291?),
translated by H. Vahid Dastjerdi

Today is Christmas. It is a day of love. Several days before this, and the next few days, up till the end of the year, Christians are expected – nay, required – to not only show love but to actually love one another. They must also love others, i.e. followers of other faiths. This credo further requires them to even love their enemies. Based on this long stretch of the meaning of "love", St. Thomas of Aquinas defined it as “to will the good of another,” or to desire for another to succeed.

But love is not restricted to Christian theology. Other faiths have it at the heart of their belief. In Islam, the religion of peace, love is at the centre of humanity, a necessity for co-existence for mankind and between men and women, the holy Prophet and God. In fact, one of the names of Allah (SWT), found in Surah 11:90 and Surah 85:14, is “Al-Wadud,” or “the Loving One.” All Muslims are required to love one another, love the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) and love God. They are also to love followers of the Abrahamaic faiths, such as Christians. So widespread is this requirement that a Muslim man is encouraged to marry a Christian woman. There is also a Prophetic tradition directing mankind to love one another. It emphasises that one should want for others what one wants for oneself. Similar blandishments can be found in many other religions, including Judaism, Buddhism and Hinduism. Even animists and atheists believe in and show love to their ilk and for others outside the boundaries of their belief or unbelief.

In this season of love, there is need to take a pensive look at our condition as a nation among others in the world, with emphasis on how we practise the greatest requirement of the season. Personally, I see the clime darkening, hearts hardening and faiths being deflected from their original paths as love retreats from the horizon. Whether Christians, Muslims or animists, mankind appears to be trampling on the basic message of their faiths these days, relegating it to the backyard in their priorities, retrieving it only at festive seasons.

At home, where every day life begins and ends; at market places and offices, relationships are worsening at an appalling rate. The love of children for their parents and vice-versa; love between spouses, neighbours, siblings, office colleagues, school mates and even between lovers, is on a downward spiral. Many relationships are faked, garnished with deceit and backstabbing and inspired by selfish motives. Things are not as they used to be in the good old days of our childhood.

One of the biggest ironies of our time is the depth of our people’s religiosity and their savagery, all at once. Nigerians are, undoubtedly, some of the most religious people on earth. They fill churches and mosques, spend quality time worshipping the Lord and donate generously to promote their religions. They even fund the erection of religious centres. They travel long distances to perform religious duties and visit historical sites in Saudi Arabia and Israel, spending their own money or government's. With the growth of Pentecostal churches and suffocating televangelism, religion is now a big industry that makes nonsense of Nigeria’s claim to secularism.

In spite of this, however, Muslims are scarcely each other’s keeper, and Christians do not "turn the other cheek". Mutual intolerance is increasing. There is absence of good neighbourliness. We listen with rapt attention to the words of the preachers but, then, we forget about them as soon as we leave our worship centres. The result is the rise in criminality and immorality in the country. The character assassination we see in the media, especially between politicians seeking elective offices, the cheating in the markets and garages, the negligence of duty in work places, the corruption and love of the flesh, the lies, untruths and deceit, etc, are the products of our departure from the right path, the path demarcated for us by the Almighty God, the path of His love. The politicians instigating the sectarian violence in places like Jos, Maiduguri and the Niger Delta are avid claimants to some hallowed pedestals, but they are stone deaf to the cries of death, blind to the wanton destruction and insensitive to the acrid smell of blood that accompany those bursts of man’s inhumanity to man.

So, where is the love that we always promise each other within and across our individual faiths? We do not love each other as much as we should because the love of the Lord has departed from our hearts. We are captive to our lusts, victims of our narrow-minded desires for self-ennoblement and losers of the divine essence. We gamble too much of our souls, frittering away the messages of our faiths that order us to toe the path of love if we want to succeed in life and gain the dividends of our present actions in the hereafter.

If we want to become whole again, then, we must recoup the essence of our humanity by returning to the roots of our faiths. As some of us celebrate today, we must appreciate the fact that love should not be seasonal, mercantile or even a religious milestone. It should be the core of our everyday existence, the salt of our humanity. Let us make amends. We should stretch out hands of friendship to not only those with whom we worship but also to those who worship in places we scarcely care to peep into, i.e. the believers of other creeds. That is how we can bring love back into our lives. That is how we can build a nation, based on mutual trust and respect, a multi-cultural nation the like of which was seen in the good old days of genuine Godliness.

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Published today on back page of LEADERSHIP WEEKEND

Africa: Growth Versus Corruption

2010-12-18T10:10:00.000-08:00

By many accounts, Africa's hitherto dour economic condition is changing for the better. The continent used to be one about which nothing good was said. Wars, famine, diseases and coups d’etat were the main images by which Africa was defined by most analysts, especially those in the developed world. Consequently, the African story, as told by the global media, ran along a pre-determined pattern, and it was largely ugly.

Now, I am not trying to say that wars have ceased here, or that coups d’etat are over, or that Africans have stopped killing themselves over mundane issues such as tribe or religion. Far from it! These ugly occurrences are still taking place with devastating impact on our progress and image in the world. In spite of this, however, I can say that these evils have reduced in the last three decades or so. One just has to look at the figures and the facts to know that Africa is rebounding. The impact may be slow and forced, but it can be felt, seen and grasped.

Writing in Foreign Policy recently, three authors - Norbert Dorr, Susan Lund and Charles Roxburgh - noted, rather effusively, that Africa has outgrown the gloom and doom by which it used to be judged. That happened within a single decade of amazing transformation from stagnation to euphoric growth. Recall that in 2001, the then British Prime Minister Tony Blair lamented thus: “The state of Africa is a scar on the conscience of the world.” Now it seems the continent of one billion people is getting its acts together and striving to compete with the rest of the developing world.

Africa, write Dorr, Lund and Roxburgh, “is now one of the world's fastest-growing economic regions. Between 2000 and 2008, the continent's collective GDP grew at 4.9 percent per year - twice as fast as in the preceding two decades. By 2008, that put Africa’s economic output at $1.6 trillion, roughly at par with Russia and Brazil. Africa was one of two regions - Asia being the other - where GDP rose during 2009's global recession.”

As a result of this boom, which is strongly supported by increasing urbanisation, the region is fast becoming a beehive for foreign investors. Vast fields of natural resources and a population bursting at the seams are the main attractions for investors. The areas where the continent offers the greatest promise are telecommunication, oil and gas, infrastructure and domestic appliances. But agriculture, which has the potential of turning the continent into a greater economic hub with 60 percent of the world’s arable land located here, has not been sufficiently developed. The sob-story here is that countries like Nigeria that have vast arable land have stuck to oil and gas where they make a quicker buck. If such nations mechanically cultivated their lands, then the story would become rosier.

How is Africa making this great leap forward? By getting its acts together, of course. Many of its countries have embraced democracy, even if home-grown. Warts and all, this adoption has made it possible for them to carry out economic reforms in various sectors which, in turn, have translated into the trimming of waste. In Nigeria, successes have been achieved in the banking and the telecom sectors, and in the fight against corruption. Privatisation of government companies and liberalisation of other sectors have created a middle class that was only dreamt about only a decade ago. Now, it is possible to think of Nigeria or South Africa joining the four-member BRIC grouping of fast-growing economies - Brazil, Russia, India and China. Non-African contenders to this privileged club of emerging economies include Turkey, Mexico and Indonesia. Nigeria, with a population of more than 150 million, may get in first, even though South Africa, with under 50 million, is a larger economy. Reason: indicators favour the economy with bigger demographics because, in the long run, it is the urbanised and empowered population that would make the market rules.

But as Africa frolics in its new-found emergence from the economic woods, it is easy to forget the big challenges. Africa is still home to the world's biggest cataclysms, not only the natural ones but also the man-made. Sixty percent of its population dwells in rural areas, and it is poor, illiterate and divided along tribal and religious schisms. Without the right leadership, growth will be stunted. Now the main problem is the absence of conscientious leaders whose focus is to create the enabling environment that will see the people crawl out of poverty.

Corruption is rampant, even in nations with the greatest promise. Nigeria, the so-called economic giant, is lagging behind South Africa in most economic indices, not because the latter is richer in resources but because it is richer in leadership. Nigeria is number 134 out of 178 countries in Transparency International's 2010 Corruption Perceptions Index, while South Africa is just number 54. There is a clear correlation between a nation’s depth of corruption and its economic growth. No wonder, then, Nigeria trails behind South Africa even though its resources are larger. People are more comfortable to relate with economies that have lesser potential for risk. According to reports, Nigeria was able to get investment flows of just $216 million for the first 10 months of this year; South Africa, however, got $3.4 billion within the same period. This shows that Nigerians in positions of authority steal more than their South African counterparts. It could also mean that the mechanism for checking corrupt practices and punishing perpetrators works better in the latter.

For Africa to maintain the tempo of its growth, therefore, it must have in place the right leaders who, in turn, must fight the spectre of corruption in their countries. At the moment, the picture is scary. Just two days ago, on Thursday, the Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative of the World Bank Group and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime issued a how-to guide for recovering stolen assets. The Asset Recovery Handbook, which can be accessed on the World Bank web site, reveals that developing countries lose between $20 billion and $40 billion each year to bribery, embezzlement and other corrupt practices. It also shows that over the past 15 years only $5 billion was recovered and returned.

The book recommends measures by which developing nations, most of which are in Africa, can recover funds siphoned from their coffers and stashed abroad. It recommends that anti-corruption practitioners such as those working in our own Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) must exchange sensitive information with partners in other countries to trace stolen funds and gather evidence. They must be familiar with a wide range of legal tools and procedures for freezing, seizing and repatriating stolen funds. And they must be able to navigate the legal systems of their own country and of partner countries. They must also know that, as our own anti-corruption czar, Malam Nuhu Ribadu, is fond of saying, corruption also fights back.

No matter how difficult it is, Africans must ensure that they up the ante of the present growth on the continent by putting the right leaders in place and making sure that corruption, by which the continent gained dubious renown, is kept at the barest minimum.

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, today. Above picture shows Mrs Farida Waziri, chairman of Nigeria's Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)

Kannywood: A Luta Continua!

2010-12-13T09:51:00.000-08:00

Why is Kannywood - the Hausa film industry - both more backward and more despised than Nollywood, and its promoters poorer in terms of material comfort? Why did Nollywood, the English language movie industry based in Lagos and Onitsha, grow so exponentially within a few years than Kannywood to become, according to UNESCO, the second largest film industry in the world in terms of the number of annual film productions, placing it ahead of Hollywood and behind Bollywood? Some reports say that Nollywood is estimated to rake in between US$200 million and US$250 million per year, churning out some 200 videos for the market every month.

Some would think it is foolish to make this kind of contradistinction because the two industries appear to be operating on different turfs. On a closer look, however, it is possible to glean the factors that make the two similar and why the fortune of one should ricochet on the other. The greatest point of divergence is language, which may appear to present certain restrictions on the Hausa industry that could militate against its growth. But if you look closer, you will wonder why Bollywood movies were able to penetrate societies globally even though they came loaded with Indian cultural motifs. If Hindi melodramas could have a universal appeal, why should the Hausa ones be restricted to particular audiences? The answer to these questions will tell us why our movies remain in chains twenty years after they began while those of Nollywood wax stronger. First, let’s take a look back at the origin of the problem. The Hausa movie industry is going to celebrate its 20th year anniversary next week, but of course not many outside its circle know this. And this is very instructive. This momentous milestone is generally lost on most people, including those who should know better, because this is an industry that has always suffered the fate of being misunderstood, misreported and even cast in the wrong league of Nigerian entertainment history.

Official history says the “Nigerian home video industry” had origins in the release of the movie ‘Living in Bondage’ in 1992. This drama thriller, written by Kenneth Nnebue and Okechukwu Ogunjiofor and directed by Chris Obi Rapu, is believed to have been responsible for the beginning of the shot straight-to-video ventures that came to define what is generally known as Nollywood today. This wrong historicisation of the art form does not take cognisance of the “other” movie industry known as Kannywood, which is so named because of its main base in Kano. It is a home video industry that is as big as Nollywood in terms of number of productions per month and the sheer population of stakeholders - stars, directors, producers, crew and marketers. Its viewership transcends northern Nigeria because its flicks are watched all over West Africa and the Hausa Diaspora.

The truth also is that Kannywood predates Nollywood. As Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu, unarguably the leading scholar on Kannywood alive, told an audience in Kano on November 25, 2010 at an event to mark 20 years of the industry, Kannywood began in March 1990 with the release of the home video ‘Turmin Danya’. Written by the late Aminu Hassan Yakasai, it was produced by the pioneer drama group in Kano, Tumbin Giwa, and directed by Salisu Galadanci. The relative success of ‘Turmin Danya’ caused an upsurge in Hausa filmmaking as more and more production outfits, called companies even if they were not formally registered with the authorities, emerged, mostly as breakaways from older groups. Kano, with the biggest army of unemployed youth in the north, got an industry that was self-created, independent of government intervention.

According to Adamu, “Another landmark in the history of video films in Africa was recorded in August 1999 edition of Tauraruwa magazine - the first magazine in Africa devoted to indigenous African video films - edited by Sunusi Shehu ... that Sunusi created the term ‘Kannywood’ to refer to the Kano-based Hausa video film industry. It is significant that the term ‘Nollywood’ to refer to the Nigerian English language video film industry was created by Norimitsu Onishi, in an article titled ‘Step Aside L.A. and Bombay, for Nollywood’ published in The New York Times on September 16, 2002. This was three years AFTER Sunusi Shehu created ‘Kannywood’.

“Of further significance was the fact that ‘Turmin Danya’ was released in 1990, two years BEFORE ‘Living in Bondage’ - the video film generally acknowledged as the first in English language Nollywood film industry. So either way, the Hausa video film industry - both in terms of an industry as well as a label - is the first full-fledged video film industry, not only in Nigeria, but also in Africa.”

So, why should an industry that made this milestone be licking its wounds today instead of licking the juice of its labour? The answer is that Hausa movies veered off culturally by their adoption of alien cultural mores - Indian, Western and even southern Nigerian. They lost their uniqueness. The early movies were responsible for the monumental growth and popularity of the new art form. But when some producers in the heat of deadly competition injected the ‘Indian-type’ movies - the singing and dancing aspect, forms of dress, storylines, and even posters, etc - the audience began to shrink. I watched with keen interest, as a reporter deeply embedded within the industry, as the market went into a spin, crashing a lot of hitherto legendary production outfits and names.

Then in 2007 came the infamous Hiyana affair. An A-class actress and her non-industry lover had foolishly made a video clip of themselves having sex in a hotel room, using a cell-phone camera, apparently for the fun of it. Even though it was a non-industry event, the inadvertent release of the clip into the society created a consternation and opprobrium against an industry that had for some time been struggling to remain popular and tolerated. The scandal forced the Kano State governor, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, who feared a backlash from Islamic clerics at a time he was instituting a Sharia law regime, into a clean-up exercise in the industry. He appointed a new boss for the state censorship board known for his heavy-handedness while working for the state Sharia police. The man, Abubakar Rabo, took it as part of his duties to emasculate the industry in any way he could. Acting on his weird understanding of the functions of a public officer and a pitiable misreading of the public mood, he battled the industry for three years, using the instrument of government power, ensuring that many actors, producers, directors, etc., were jailed or fined heavily on false charges. Many stakeholders migrated to other states. It took the sudden occurrence of his own sex scandal to check his acts of injustice and persecution and make him mellow down and seek rapprochement with his opponents.

At 20, Kannywood needs to take a pensive look at the progress it should have made but hasn't. The stakeholders, most of whom are young, need to train for roles in moviemaking, especially the technical aspect. Skill acquisition is low. The marketing system is rudimentary and pedestrian. Piracy, a big spectre, is gobbling up potential profits and keeping producers on the verge of bankruptcy. Movie stories are shallow and thematically restricted, lacking in unique cultural motifs that can create a universal loyal audience. Unity of purpose is almost absent, leading to an individualism that is injurious to the common interest of stakeholders; this makes it impossible for outfits to collaborate on productions and sometimes lead to court cases such as the current one between a leading director and a famous actor/producer. Overall, government empowerment is necessary in growing the industry as a private sector capable of sucking in thousands of school leavers and dropouts, as well as gearing the movies towards the common good.

Kannywood, as its struggles continue, can learn a lot from Nollywood, where collaborations and norms and conventions have created a cohesiveness that promotes the common good. There should be rules and regulations that everybody should be subjected to. The Motion Pictures Practitioners Association of Nigeria (MOPPAN), Hausa movie industry's main trade association, has a role to play in this. Education is of paramount significance; an under-educated class cannot even write grammatically correct subtitles, talk less of producing captivating box office hits. A cursory viewing of Kannywood flicks on Africa Magic’s Hausa channel today shows just how backward Hausa movies are in this regard. If Kannywood refuses to start cleansing itself of its present imperfections, it cannot hope to make any headway in its next twenty years.

---
Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, last Saturday

Alheri danko ne...

2010-12-13T09:21:00.000-08:00

Shekaru ka]an da su ka gabata, wani hamsha}in ]an kasuwa ]an Nijeriya ya samu ribar zunzurun ku]i har dalar Amurka biliyan ]aya a wata harkar kasuwanci da ya yi. Sai ya ]ebi rabin ku]in ya tsara rayuwar sa ta hanyar sayen kayan alatu da ajiya a asusu. A }arshe, ya na da rabi, wato dala miliyan 500. Sai ya kasance wannan mutum ya rasa yadda zai yi da wa]annan ku]i da su ka rage a hannun sa. A ganin sa, ko a banki ya aje su, ba su tsira ba; bankin na iya rugujewa ko kuma gwamnati ta fito da wata doka da za ta iya sa ya yi asarar ku]in. Sannan wani abin ban-haushi shi ne, ’ya’yan sa za su iya yin rigima da juna kan ku]in idan ya kwanta ya mutu. {a}a tsara }a}a!

Wannan mutum dai ba wani ba ne illa Leftana-Janar Theophilus Yakubu [anjuma (ritaya), wanda ya ta~a ri}e mu}amin Hafsan Hafsoshin Rundunar Sojan Nijeriya a zamanin mulkin Janar Olusegun Obasanjo daga 1976 zuwa 1979. Ya yi ritaya daga aikin soja ya na da shekara 41 kacal, lokacin da su ka mi}a mulki ga gwamnatin farar hula ta Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Bayan ya yi ritaya, sai ya shiga harkar jiragen ruwa, wadda a cikin ta Allah Ya tarfa wa garin sa nono, ya ku]ance.

A lokacin da Janar Sani Abacha ya ke shugaban }asa ne ya ba T.Y. [anjuma kadadar man fetur a Fatakwal, Jihar Ribas, shi kuma ya shiga aikin ha}a a filin, aka yi rijiya. A }arshe, bayan shekara goma sai aka samu ]imbin man fetur a wannan rijiya. Da T.Y. [anjuma ya ga haka, sannan ga fetur ya na tsada a kasuwar duniya, sai ya yi dabara, ya yi wuf ya sayar da rijiyar ga wani kamfanin }asar waje. Aka biya shi ku]in da ya wazgi wannan ribar ta dala biliyan 1 da na ke magana.

T.Y. [anjuma ya saba da samun ku]i; hasali ma dai biloniya ne a naira, to amma sai da ya sayar da wannan rijiyar fetur ]in sannan ya zama biloniya a dala. Kamar yadda na fa]a maku, ya rasa yadda zai yi da sauran ku]in da ya samu, wato dala biliyan 500. To, da ya ke Allah Ya yi shi mai hangen nesa, sai ya yanke shawarar kafa wata cibiya don taimakon jama’a. Tashin farko, ya ba cibiyar zunzurutun ku]i har dala miliyan 100.

A wata hira da aka yi da shi a jarida a bana, Janar [anjuma ya ce dalilin sa na yin haka shi ne babu yadda za a yi gwamnati, “komai kyakkyawan nufin ta, ta magance dukkan matsalolin jama’a ita ka]ai. A gaskiya, a dukkan }asashen da su ka ci gaba, yi wa jama’a aikin kyautata rayuwa bai ta~a kasancewa aikin gwamnati ita ka]ai ba; a koyaushe ana yin ha]in gwiwa ne da kamfanoni masu zaman kan su.”

T.Y. [anjuma, wanda ya ta~a ri}e mu}amin Ministan Tsaro a lokacin gwamnatin Cif Obasanjo, tsakanin 1999 da 2003, mutum ne da ya kamata a ce mai daskararriyar zuciya ne, maras tausayi, ba domin komai ba sai saboda shi soja ne wanda har ya}i ya yi a lokacin ya}in basasar Nijeriya. To amma sai ga shi ya kafa cibiya mai suna T.Y. [anjuma Foundation (mai gidan yana kamar haka a intanet: www.tydanjumafoundation.org) wadda ta sa ya kasance ]aya daga cikin manyan masu taimakon marasa }arfi a }asar nan. Manufar wannan cibiya tasa ita ce ta “agaza wa yun}urin gina Nijeriya inda kowane ]an }asa zai samu ingantaccen kiwon lafiya, ilimi da dama daidai wa daida wajen cin moriyar rayuwa.” Cibiyar ta na aikin hai}an, musamman a jihar su shi T.Y. ]in, wato Taraba, har ma da sauran wurare, a kan wannan manufar tata. Ta na aiki a ~angarorin kiwon lafiya, samar da aikin yi ga matasa da kuma harkar ilimi. Ta na yin aikin ne tare da ha]in gwiwa da wasu }ungiyoyi masu zaman kan su don warware matsalolin da su ka addabi jama’ar yankin. Wani aboki na da ya ziyarci ]aya daga cikin asibitocin da cibiyar [anjuma ]in ke ]aukar nauyi ya fa]a mani irin aikin ban-mamakin da ake yi wa jama’a a wajen. Ya ce har aikin fi]a likitoci ke yi wa majinyata a wurin, kuma kyauta. Sannan idan yau ka je Jami’ar Jihar Nasarawa da ke Keffi ka ga aikin da cibiyar ta yi, sai ka ri}e baki.

Mu kula, ba fa T.Y. [anjuma ka]ai ba ne ya ta~a samun }azamar riba daga wata harkar kasuwanci a }asar nan. Hasali ma dai, ’yan kasuwa da dama su na soke irin wannan ribar a aljihun su, su yi ta cin duniyar su da tsinke har }arshen ran su, ba tare da sun yi tunanin taimaka wa talakawa ba. Kafin mutum ya yi tunanin yin abin da T.Y. ya yi, sai ya kasance mai halayya tagari, mai gwarzantaka, da tausayi da yin amanna da yanayin da mu ke ciki, da kuma yin aiki da fasaha.

Kyautata wa jama’a ya na daga cikin manyan ayyukan gwarzantaka da ke nuna cewa mutum, mutum ne. Kafin ka yi kyauta, sai ka kasance ka yi }arfin halin yarda da rabuwa da wani abu da ka ke muradi, musamman ku]i ko dukiya. Kyautatawa kuma mutunci ce. Shi ya sa ba wanda zai iya yin ta sai mai jin }an ’yan’uwan sa mutane, wanda ya fahimci cewa sauran jama’a sun fi shi kasancewa cikin hali na bu}ata. Sai wanda ya gane bu}atar da ke akwai ta inganta rayuwar al’umma, wanda ya yarda da magance matsalolin da su ka yi wa duniyar mu katutu, zai iya motsawa don yin abin da ya dace.

Kyautata wa jama’a kuma aikin addini ne. Kafin ka yi tunanin taimakon wani mabu}aci, sai ka yi amanna da cewa haka Allah da Manzo su ka ce a yi. Har sai ka yarda da cewa haka ya dace a yi, tare da cikakkiyar yarda da cewa idan har an yi abin da ya dace a yi, to za a warkar da damuwar wani mutum, a sa shi ya yi murmushi don murna.

Kyautata wa jama’a fa fasaha ce. Fasaha ce ta sauke kan ka daga wata }ololuwa da ka ke a kai a cikin al’umma, ka yarda da cewa kai ba kowan kowa ba ne, domin fa ko me ka tara a duniyar nan wata rana sai dai labarin ka, ka tafi ka bar shi. Sai ka yi fasahar cewa ka yarda dukiyar ka za ta ragu idan ka cire wani abu, ka]an ko mai yawa, daga ciki ka kyautar da shi ga wani mabu}aci. A wannan fasahar, ka na kuma kambama kan ka, domin fa ka zama babban yaya ga mabu}ata, mai shau}in taimakon su.

Wannan duniya tamu ta zama tamkar wata dokar daji inda mai }arfi ke la}ume maras }arfi. A irin wannan duniya, ba kowa ba ne ke da irin halayen na da mu ka lissafa a sama. Wannan ne ya sa ake da }arancin mutane masu taimakon marasa }arfi a yawancin al’ummomin bil’adama. Mu a nan arewacin Nijeriya, a yayin da mu ke da ]imbin gajiyayyu da fa}irai, sai kuma ya kasance masu bayarwar sun yi ka]an. Yankin mu inda fatara ta yi katutu ya na bu}atar agaji a sassa daban-daban, kamar su ~angaren kiwon lafiya, ilimi, aikin yi, al’adu, da sauran su. Saboda haka a duk lokacin da ka ji wasu mutane su na yin ho~~asa don inganta rayuwar al’umma, tilas ne ka ji ka na son cira masu hula.

T.Y. [anjuma, wanda ]an shekara 72 ne a yau, a yi nisa wajen taimakon jama’a domin Allah Ya ba shi zuciyar yin hakan. In da ya ga dama, to da ba za mu ta~a sanin yadda ya ke samun ku]i ba. Ba mu san yadda wa]anda su ka fi shi ku]i su ke samun ku]in su ba, ballantana kuma yadda su ke kashe ku]in. Don haka, maganar ba ma ta yawan ku]in da mutum ya mallaka ba ne, a’a magana ce ta niyyar taimakawa da kuma alherin da taimakon ke jawowa.

Mu a nan }asar, idan mutum ya yi maganar taimakon jama’a ta hanyar kafa cibiya ta musamman don hakan, yawanci akan tuno da Turawa masu wannan halayyar ne, irin su Bill Gates, Ba’amurken nan wanda ya kafa cibiyar Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, wadda ta fi kowace cibiyar agajin jama’a mai zaman kan ta girma a duniya. Shi Bill da matar sa Melinda Gates ne su ka kafa cibiyar, kuma su ka ba da dala biliyan 33 da rabi gare ta don inganta kiwon lafiya da kuma rage fatara a duniya. Akwai kuma attajirin nan Warren Buffet. Ko fitaccen mawa}i mai suna Bono. Ko kuma mawa}in nan marigayi Michael Jackson wanda ya rabar da yawancin dukiyar sa ga }ungiyoyi har 39 masu taimakon gajiyayyu kafin ya mutu. To, mu ma yanzu ga su T.Y. [anjuma nan sun fito da zummar taimakon jama’a.

’Yan Nijeriya dai mutane ne masu son addini sosai, don haka sun yarda da yin sadaka daga abin da Allah Ya hore masu. Za ka iya ganin haka in ka je masallatai da majami’u, ko wurin bikin saukar karatu ko taron }ungiyar tsofaffin ]alibai. Akwai kuma ]imbin masu ba da kyauta ko sadaka wa]anda ke yi a ~oye ba tare da son a yayata ba. To amma akwai masu ba da kyauta don kawai a gani a yabe su, wato kyautar ganin ido don cimma wata manufa ta siyasa ko ta wani abin daban. Irin wa]annan, ba a jimawa sai ka ji an daina labarin su, sun ~ace ko sama ko }asa.

Yanzu akwai bu}atar a kafa }ungiyoyin agaji, su kasance kamar manyan kamfanoni a }asar nan. Ya kamata masu ku]in mu su kafa cibiyoyi irin ta T.Y. [anjuma. Shin kuma ko kun lura da cewa yawancin manyan cibiyoyi irin wa]annan duk ana kafa su ne da sunan wasu tsofaffin hafsoshin soja? Kun ga dai ga Murtala Muhammed Foundation, da Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Foundation da TY [anjuma Foundation, da kuma Yakubu Gowon Foundation. Sannan kada mu manta akwai Cibiyar Inganta Harkar Shugabancin Afrika ta Janar Obasanjo (wato Africa Leadership Forum). Idan aka kafa manyan }ungiyoyin agaji kamar kamfanoni, za a samu babbar hanyar inganta rayuwar bil’adama. Kuma kamar yadda Janar [anjuma ya fa]a a makon jiya a lokacin bikin bu]e taro na farko a }asar nan kan harkar agaza wa mabu}ata, wanda cibiyar sa ta shirya, ya kamata Majalisar Tarayya ta kafa dokar da za ta saka harkar bisa turba tsararriya. Bari in }ara da cewa yin hakan zai sa a tabbatar da cewa kowace cibiya da aka kafa ta ci gaba da ]orewa har bayan rasuwar wanda ya kafa ta ]in, sannan kuma agajin da cibiyar ke bayarwa ya isa ga mabu}atan, ba kurum ma’aikatan cibiyar ko abokan su ko ’yan’uwan su ba.

Mu kan mu ya-ku-bayi, ya dace mu ci gaba da kamanta kyautatawa da taimakon mabu}ata. Ba wai sai kai attajiri ba ne. An san cewa in ka na rarar ku]i, zai taimaka maka wajen yin kyauta, to amma fa mu sani cewa wa]anda su ka fi kyauta ba su ne su ka fi kowa ku]i ba. Ka tambayi kan ka: shin ka na ba da sadaka ko ihsani da nufin agaza wa mabu}ata? Idan ka duba da kyau, kila ka gano cewa akwai wasu takalma ko tufafi a gidan ka wa]anda ba ka yi amfani da su ba a tsawon shekara ]aya. To, a zahiri fa ba ka bu}atar irin wannan kayan. Ka kyautar da su don Allah. Idan har ka na yin haka, to wata rana za ka gan ka bisa hanyar zama mai son taimakon al’umma da ma}udan ku]i kamar yadda su Janar TY [anjuma ke yi. Hausawa sun ce alheri dan}o ne, ba ya fa]uwa }asa banza. Kuma sun ce aikata alheri ga kowa, sakayyar ka ta na wurin Allah.

The Art Of Giving

2010-12-08T08:09:00.000-08:00

A few years ago, a Nigerian businessman made a profit of $1 billion from a single business deal. After taking care of some essentials of life, he was left with 'just' $500 million. This man was at a loss over what to do with the money. It might not be safe to keep it even in a bank. Worse, his children might fight over it when he died, he thought. The man, Lt. General Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma, a former Chief of Army Staff in the 1970s, had made the money from an oil block allocated to him by the then Head of State, General Sani Abacha. He sold it ten years later when oil was struck in it and the world price of oil was hitting the roofs. He had retired from the army at an early age of 41; he had got to the top early. After retirement, he started a shipping business and became stupendously rich. But owning $500 million cash was not something he had ever bargained for. Being not an ordinary man, he got a brilliant idea. He decided to establish a foundation and commit $100 million to it.

"I decided to set up a foundation and endow it with my fund," he recalled in an interview this year. His reason was that the government, "no matter how noble its intentions, cannot address these challenges on its own. In fact, in all developed countries, the implementation of social projects is never the sole responsibility of government; there are often strong collaborations as well as the private sector."

TY, who was minister of defence between 1999 and 2003, was supposed to have a heart of steel, having been a soldier, one who saw battle during the Nigerian civil war. Now his TY Danjuma Foundation (www.tydanjumafoundation.org) has transformed him into one of the nation's leading givers to the less privileged. The objective of the foundation is to "contribute to the building of Nigeria where all citizens have access to affordable quality health care, education and have equal opportunities to realize their potential." The Foundation is actively working on this vision, especially in the general's native Taraba State.

It is now intervening mainly in health, youth employment and education issues in Taraba. It works together with relevant non-governmental organisations to address the challenges faced by people in the area. A friend of mine who visited one of the health centres told me about the amazing things TY's endowment is doing for the people. He said with the foundation's sponsorship, doctors even carried out free surgeries for the people.

Mind you, it was not only TY who made big money from a business deal. Nor did it make him the richest man in the country. Many other tycoons would have pocketed that profit, gnawing at it slowly in a lifetime of luxury beyond their wildest imagination. To arrive at TY's decision to share his own with the impoverished people of his area, one had to employ all the values that make us human - courage, empathy, faith and art.

Giving is one of the most courageous values that define our sense of humanity. To give, you need to summon your inner strength of parting with something you hold dear, especially money and property. Giving is also human. That is why it can only be done by someone who feels for others, who sees that others have a need bigger than that of oneself. It is those that see the need to make the world a better place, to help cure it of its headaches and its ailments that can move towards doing the right thing. Giving is also a question of faith. To be able to help someone in need, you first need to believe in the necessity for such action. You need to think and be persuaded that this is something that must be done, fully convinced that if what should be done is done, then, somebody somewhere would gain a smile from your action.

Giving is also an art. It is the art of self-displacement, the condition of humbling yourself and letting a sense of humanity get into you. It is the art of reducing yourself to the position of someone whose worldly possession is going to be reduced by whatever portion, be it a huge chunk or a fraction. In this art, however, you are also making yourself a titan of some sorts, a big brother to those in need.

In a world that has become increasingly a jungle of sorts, where the survival of the fittest is the norm, it is not everyone who combines these values. That probably explains the paucity of givers in most human societies. In northern Nigeria, the scarcity of givers is matched with the huge numbers of the needy. Our economically backward region is in dire need of assistance in many areas: health, education, jobs, culture, etc. So when you hear about what some individuals are doing to help create a better society, you cannot help but cheer their efforts.

The 72-year-old TY is perfecting the art of giving because he has the heart for it. If he liked, we would never have heard about his money-making exploits. We do not know how those richer than him make their money, talk less of how they spend it. So, it is not so much about the money as it is about the intention and the eventual impact of the gesture.

When people talk about philanthropy, we usually link the word to the big givers in western countries, such as Bill Gates, the co-chairman of Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, described as the largest transparently operated private foundation in the world, founded by Bill and Melinda Gates, who endowed $33.5 billion for healthcare and ending poverty globally. Or Warren Buffet. Or Bono. Or even Michael Jackson who distributed most of his wealth to good causes, and who supported over 39 charity organisations. Now people like TY are pricking our conscience with their philanthropic spirit and zeal.

Nigerians being a religious lot believe in giving freely from their God-ordained possessions. Their altruistic activities are seen in mosques and churches, graduation ceremonies, or at alma mater meetings. There are silent givers who give without any formalities. Many other philanthropy bodies are formed for ‘show,’ inspired by pecuniary purposes such as politics. Such are usually a flash in the pan.

Now there is need to build a real philanthropy industry in this country. The rich among us should establish foundations such as TY’s. Is it not ironic that most of those that are better known and better organised were formed in the memory of former soldiers - the Murtala Muhammed Foundation, the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Foundation and the TY Danjuma Foundation? We should not also forget Gen Obasanjo’s Africa Leadership Forum. Formalising philanthropy would create institutions geared towards the betterment of human life and dignity. And as Gen Danjuma suggested two days ago during the opening of the first ever philanthropy forum, organised by his foundation, the National Assembly should provide the right legislative framework for the act of giving to be accountable and targeted. Let me add that doing so would also ensure that the foundations outlive their founders and the endowments reach the real beneficiaries rather than foundation staffers, their friends and relations.

Individually, we should all learn to practice the art of giving. It is not a matter of being rich. Having an extra buck to give away helps, of course, but then the best givers are not necessarily the biggest philanthropists. Ask yourself: do you give anything you possess as alms or an act of philanthropy? If you look carefully, there could be shoes or clothes in your house that you have not used for a year. Such things, no matter how expensive or valuable, are things you want but do not need. Give it away. With time, you will find yourself right on the path of big givers such as Gen TY Danjuma.

--

Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, on Saturday

Tsugunne ba ta kare ba

2010-12-08T07:47:00.000-08:00

Akwai alamun cewa sau}i ya fara zuwa masana’antar finafinai ta Nijeriya, wato Nollywood, domin kuwa mako uku da su ka wuce ne Shugaban {asa Goodluck Jonathan ya yi wani ho~~asa na kyautatawa ga masu aikin fasaha da basira na }asar nan. Ku]i ne zunzurutu wuri na gugar wuri har dalar Amurka miliyan 200 ya bayyana bayarwa ga masu sana’ar nisha]antarwa a matsayin rance don ha~aka sana’ar su. A ku]in Nijeriya, sun kama kimanin naira biliyan 30.

Shugaban }asar ya fa]i haka ne a Legas, a wurin bikin cikar shahararren kamfanin nan masu gidajen silima da shirya gasar sarauniyar kyau mai suna Silverbird Group shekara 30 da kafawa. Mamallakin kamfanin, wato tsohon Darakta-Janar na Hukumar Talabijin ta Nijeriya (NTA), Mista Ben Murray-Bruce, shi ne ya ro}i shugaban da ya yi wani abu don karrama masana’antar, wadda ta }unshi masu shirya fim da kuma mawa}a. Jonathan, wanda ya halarci taron da kan sa, ya ce wannan jari da gwamnati ta zuba an yi shi ne “ba don komai ba sai don a mara wa masu sana’ar fasaha baya da kuma ha~aka masana’antar mu ta nisha]antarwa.”

Mutane da yawa da ke da ruwa da tsaki a masana’antar sun yi murna da wannan ku]in, su na ganin su a matsayin agajin da ya zo a daidai lokacin da ake bu}atar sa, wato a daidai lokacin da ruwa ya kusa }are wa ]an kada. Su na ganin sa a matsayin wata babbar karramawa da amintaka ga gudunmawar da wa]annan ]imbin masu basirar su ka bayar wajen sa a }ara sanin Nijeriya a fagen ayyukan nisha]i, wato fim da wa}a.

Nollywood, wadda masana’anta ce da ke bun}asa a koyaushe, ta na tafiya kafa]a-da-kafa]a da masana’antar da ta girme ta a fagen, wato ta ki]a da wa}a. Duk an san su a duniya. A wani rahoto da hukumar UNESCO ta buga a cikin watan Mayu 2009, an bayyana cewa masana'antar Nollywood ce ta uku a duniya wajen fito da yawan finafinai, wato ta na bin masana’antar Hollywood ta }asashen Turawa da kuma Bollywood ta }asar Indiya. An }iyasta cewa darajar Nollywood ta fuskar ku]i ta kai kimanin dala miliyan 250, kuma akwai mutum a}alla miliyan ]aya da ke aiki a masana’antar. Wannan masana’anta ta haifar da ’yan wasa wa]anda sunan su ya zama ruwan dare a cikin }asar nan da }asashen waje. Sunaye irin su Genevieve Nnaji, Omotola Jalade-Ekeinde, Ramsey Nouah, Kate Henshaw-Nuttal, Pete Edochie, Ali Nuhu, Segun Arinze, Funke Akindele, da sauran su, sanannu ne. Akwai kuma irin wa]annan sunayen a fagen wa}a. A dalilin haka, akwai manazarta da dama da ke tururuwa daga }asashen duniya su na zuwa nan domin yin nazarin irin tashin gwauron zabon da wannan masana’anta ke yi. Abu sai ka ce tsafi! A yau ]in nan akwai tashoshin talabijin na satalayit da dama da ke nuna finafinan Nollywood dare da rana, ciki kuwa har da shahararriyar tashar Africa Magic, kwatankwacin yadda tashar Fox Movies ke nuna finafinan Hollywood da kuma yadda tashoshin B4U da Zee Aflam ke nuna na Indiya. Wa]annan mutane, mazan su da matan su, wa]anda yawanci matasa ne, su na rayuwa cikin jin da]i a matsayin attajirai, a cikin aikin da su ka }ir}ira da kan su, ba tare da sa hannun hukuma ba.

To amma kuma akwai mutanen da ke kallon wannan gara~asa da Jonathan ya yi ga ’yan fim da mawa}a a matsayin wani abu bambara}wai. Su na ganin cewa ya yi abin ne da ka kawai, ba tare da ya numfasa ya yi tunani ba, don kawai Mista Murray-Bruce ya ro}e shi da ya yi masu ko ma menene don nuna kulawa. Tun daga lokacin da aka bayyana gara~asar, na ji 'yan fim da mawa}a da dama su na yin wasu tambayoyi a kan ta: Shin wannan kyautar yaudara ce ko kuwa? Shin siyasa ce? Shin Jonathan ya na }o}arin samun goyon bayan masu sana’ar nisha]antarwa a daidai lokacin da ’yan adawa ke girgiza kujerar sa? Shin kishin }asa ne ya sa ya ba da wannan babbar kyautar? Ko kuwa ma gwamnati ta na so ta yi wa ’yan fim da mawa}a }ofar raggo ne, wato ta biyo ta bayan fage domin ta mamaye harkar saboda gudun irin sa}wannin da ake iya jefawa a cikin finafinai da wa}o}i?

Bayan haka, wa zai kar~o ku]in daga hannun gwamnati a madadin ’yan fim da mawa}an, wa]anda ba su da wasu tsayayyun shugabanni da kowa da kowa ya yarda da su? A yanzu dai, ba a ma san yadda za a raba ku]in ba. Shugaban }asa dai ya ce gwamnan Babban Bankin Nijeriya (CBN) tare da ministan ku]i su ne za su je su fito da hanyar da za a bi a fito da ku]in da kuma yadda za a yi da su. Jonathan, a jawabin sa, ya ambaci kalmar Nollywood ne a matsayin masana’antar finafinan Nijeriya, to amma don Allah ainihi su wanene Nollywood ]in? Da yawa in an ce Nollywood, to ana nufin ’yan fim na Kudiu kenan, wa]anda ke zaune a Legas da Anacha. To su kuma ’yan fim na Hausa fa da ke Arewa, wa]anda sunan tasu masana’antar Kannywood? Sannan kuma ina sauran Wood Wood da ke akwai - misali masana’antar finafinai ta Nupawa, wadda }arama ce kuma ba ta kallon kan ta a matsayin wani yanki na Kannywood, da sauran wuraren da ake shirya fim cikin harsunan mu na gado? Su yaya za a yi da su? Bugu da }ari, me ake nufi idan an ce maka]an Nijeriya? Shin sun ha]a da masu wa}o}i da harsunan gargajiya, irin su Nasiru Garba Supa na Kano da Musa [anbade na Kaduna, ko kuma ana nufin mawa}a na zamani masu wa}o}in Naija irin su Dapo Oyebanjo (D’banj), Abolere Akande (9ice), Innocent Idibia (Tuface), 2-Effects da Sound Sultan? Sannan ina za a saka su Aminu Ala, Fati Nijar, Maryam A. Baba da ire-iren su? A gaskiya, akwai bu}atar a fito a yi wa jama’a bayani, kuma a fito da hanyoyin da za a bi wa]annan ku]in su kai ga ’yan fim da mawa}a. Idan har ba a bi a sannu ba, to wannan gara~asa ta gwamnati za ta haifar da babban rikicin shugabanci a industiri, ta jawo rarrabuwar kai tsakanin masu fasaha a ~angarori daban-daban.

Ni a nawa ganin, har yanzu tsugunne ba ta }are ba ga masu shirya finafinai da kuma buga wa}o}i a Nijeriya. Industiri ba ta bu}atar wa]annan ku]in. Dalili: an yanke shawarar ba da su ne kurum a cikin irin tunanin gwamnati da ya da]e ya na addabar }asar nan, wato inda za ka ga an watsa ku]i ga matsala a matsayin magani maimakon a gano dalilin faruwar cutar. Abin da masana’antar nisha]antarwa ke bu}ata shi ne a samar da kyakkyawan sararin da mutum zai yi sana’a har ya ci riba. Mu tuna, wasu ’yan kasuwa masu tarar aradu don fa]in kai ne su ka haifar da industirin Nollywood da rana tsaka kimanin shekara 18 da ta gabata lokacin da su ka fitar da fim mai suna Living in Bondage, kuma tun daga lokacin ta ke ta }ara bun}asa ba tare da jarin gwamnati ba. Na san cewa masana'antar ta na fama da manyan matsaloli. Na farko, matsalar da ke damun Nijeriya ma ita ke damun ta, domin abin da ya ci Doma ba ya barin Awai. Matsalolin sun ha]a da satar basira da wasu ~arayin zaune ke tafkawa, ga rashin tsaro da kuma ta~ar~arewar tattalin arzikin }asar nan. [aya daga cikin manyan matsalolin ita ce satar basira, inda wani zaunannen ~arawo zai ]auki kayan ka ya gurza ya ri}a sayarwa, kai kuwa ko oho. Rashin }arfin doka da oda ya sa masu aikin basira sun kasa cin moriyar shukar su. |arayin zaune sun yi masu talala. Ya kamata a fitar da su daga wannan }angin, su samu sa’ida.

Lokacin da hukumar UNESCO ta ce Nollywood ce ta uku a duniya, ta ba ta wannan matsayin ne a kan yawan finafinan da ake shiryawa kawai, ba wai saboda }arfin arziki ko kuma ingancin finafinan ba. Su finafinan mu na Nijeriya, ana shirya su ne bisa ku]i }alilan, tare da yin amfani da kayan aiki masu araha. Yawanci babu ilimin abin domin su masu ruwa da tsakin ba wani horo su ka samu a makaranta ba; duk a lokeshin ake koyon komai. Shi ya sa za ka ga a finafinan ana nuno abu a duk yadda aka ga dama. Idan ka na kallon finafinan Kudu, sai ka yi tunanin cewa a }asar mu ba abin da ake yi sai tsafe-tsafe da aikata laifuffuka da kuma tsiraici. Rashin doka mai }arfi da kuma han}oron samun }azamar riba sun sa lamarin ya }azanta. Don haka babu mamaki, finafinan Nollowood }alilan ne ake ]aukar su da wata daraja a }asashen da su ka ci gaba, in ban da a unguwannin da ’yan Nijeriya ke zaune, masu }awazucin tunowa da gida. Yanzu dubi wani fim da aka yi a Afrika ta Kudu wai shi Tsotsi, da wani da aka yi a Indiya mai suna Slumdog Millionaire. Wa]annan finafinai ne da ake ji da su a duniya. Shi Tsotsi, dalar Amurka miliyan 3 aka kashe wajen shirya shi, to amma an samu dala miliyan 10 daga nuna shi a silima. Haka kuma ya ci manyan gasa guda biyu na duniya, wato lambar Oscar (a cikin 2005) da lambar Golden Globe (a 2006) a matsayin gwarzon fim cikin harsunan }asashe ban da Ingilishi.

Amma mu finafinan mu na Nijeriya, ba su da labarai masu }arfi, sannan da an fara fim za ka iya cankar inda zai }are. Sakamakon haka, za ka ji ana kuka da finafinan a gida da waje. Yanzu haka a Uganda har wata mata ’yar Majalisar Dokokin }asar mai suna Sarah Wasike Mwebaza ta ]ora laifin }aruwar ayyukan tsafe-tsafe a }asar ga yawaitar finafinan Nijeriya a }asar. Gwamnatin Uganda ta na nan ta na shirin kafa dokar da za ta magance matsalar. Wannan ya nuna cewa ya kamata masu shirya finafinan mu su yi karatun ta-natsu, su maida hankali wajen shirya finafinai masu inganci, da nuna gwaninta wajen ba da labari, da kyan hoto da sauti. Ya kamata su nuna wa sauran }asashen duniya cewa ba wai neman ku]i kawai ya sa su ke shirya fim ba, a’a har ma don su nuna bajinta a basira da fasaha. Saboda haka, kada a dubi gara~asar da Shugaba Jonathan ya bayar a matsayin ku]i kawai, maimakon haka a ]auka cewa alama ce ta nuna goyon baya da kuma karramawa. Idan har aka saka ido a kan ku]in, to ba abin da zai biyo baya sai cacar baki da rarrabuwar kai da fa]ace-fa]ace, daga nan kuma zancen bizines ya }are kenan.

Ace Hausa Actress, Amina Garba, Dies At 52

2010-11-22T11:06:00.000-08:00

BY ABDULAZIZ ABDULAZIZ, KANO

The Hausa film industry was thrown into mourning yesterday with the death of one of the leading actresses, Hajiya Amina Garba (a.k.a. Mama Dumba), who died in Kano.
Mama Dumba, popular with her role as an elderly, responsible mother or wife of a rich man in the movies, died at the age of 52 three weeks after she had remarried.
Her husband of three weeks, Alhaji Abdulkareem Shehu Bauchi, told LEADERSHIP that she succumbed to a long battle with high blood pressure, diabetes and ulcer.

On Saturday, Mama Dumba had been taken to the Gwagwarwa Clinic in Kano metropolis, where she worked as a nurse till her death. She was treated and asked to go home. She was, however, returned to the hospital yesterday when her condition deteriorated and died at about 2:30 p.m.

Her remains were conveyed by her family members to her house at Kofar Kabuga area of the city, where parts of the funeral rites were observed.

She is survived by her husband and five children (two of whom are female).

Shell-shocked colleagues of the late actress showered encomiums on her as she was interred at the Kofar Mazugal cemetery in Kano City.

Administrative secretary of the Motion Picture Practitioners Association of Nigeria, Malam Ahmad Salihu Alkanawy, described the deceased as a true mother whose death has created a huge vacuum in the movie industry. “She has indeed left a large vacuum. She was a real mother who was responsible. We pray Allah in His infinite mercy to forgive her shortcomings,” he said.

On his part, famous actor, Alhaji Ibrahim Maishunku, said Hajiya Amina Garba “was indeed kind; a nice woman whose good manners can be attested to by viewers and those of us who work with her in the industry.”

According to him, the death of Dumba was symbolic, considering the fact that she recently got married despite other people’s opinion about her being too elderly for a fresh marriage union.

He said: “Some people thought she was too old for marriage but Allah has destined that she would die as a complete human being, a responsible married woman.”

Another actor, Malam Jibril S. Fagge, recalled the qualities of the deceased, saying, “Hajiya was a good mother, especially for those of us who knew her and came from the same place as her. I knew her as she knew my parents; she was a kind woman.

“Today is exactly three weeks that she got married, as if she had a premonition that she was going to die. But we believe this was the doing of Allah and we hope Allah will cover her with His infinite mercy.”

Published in LEADERSHIP today.

Still Living In Bondage

2010-11-20T11:22:00.000-08:00

Succour appeared to have come the way of Nollywood penultimate week when, in a rare gesture of goodwill towards the arts in Nigeria, President Goodluck Jonathan announced a $200 million stimulus for the entertainment industry. The money is worth about N30 billion. Speaking in Lagos during the 30th anniversary celebration of the Silverbird Group, the famous entertainment company headed by former director-general of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), Mr. Ben Murray-Bruce, the president said the investment was a lifeline "for the exclusive purpose of supporting artistes and developing our entertainment industry."

The move was hailed by many stakeholders in the industry as an intervention that couldn't have come at a better time. They saw in it a clear recognition and honour of the contribution of the talented men and women who have helped to put Nigeria on the world map of entertainment.

Nollywood, the nation's growing movie industry, which can now be regarded as a twin of the equally soaring, though older, music industry, is a global brand from Nigeria. According to a UNESCO report released in May 2009, Nollywood is the third largest movie industry on earth by value, after Hollywood and India's Bollywood. Worth about $250 million and employing about 1 million Nigerians, the industry has created artistes who are household names, nationally and internationally. Names like Genevieve Nnaji, Omotola Jalade-Ekeinde, Ramsey Nouah, Kate Henshaw-Nuttal, Pete Edochie, Ali Nuhu, Segun Arinze, Funke Akindele, etc, are well known. Similar big names abound on the music scene. Consequently, Nollywood has attracted academics from across the world who consider its phenomenal rise worthy of study. Talk of African magic! Indeed, several satellite television channels, including the appropriately named Africa Magic, now offer Nollywood movies 24 hours a day, the way Hollywood movies are shown on stations like Fox Movies or Indian ones on B4U and Zee Aflam. These men and women, most of whom are young, lead comfortable lives in jobs they created for themselves.

For many others, however, the president's gesture was very odd. To them, he acted impulsively - having been begged to do something, anything for the industry, by Mr. Murray-Bruce. In the last two weeks, I have heard questions being asked by stakeholders: Is this a Greek gift? Is it political? Is Jonathan currying the favour of the entertainers as he faces stiff challenge to his leadership? Was his offer inspired by true nationalistic fervour? Is the government coming in to control an informal sector which can communicate political messages not favoured by officialdom? Who will collect the money on behalf of the stakeholders in an industry that has no formal structure or universally recognised leadership?

For now, it is not clear how the money will be shared. The president said the Central Bank governor and the finance minister will handle that. Jonathan, in his speech, alluded to a group called Nollywood, but who, really, is Nollywood? Many reserve it for only those entertainers based in Lagos and Onitsha, but what of the huge Hausa film industry up north, known as Kannywood? And what of other 'Woods' - such as the miniscule, but silently growing Nupe movie industry which does not see itself as a part of Kannywood, as well other small vernacular outfits? Also, what do we mean when we say Nigerian musicians? Do they include those singing in the vernacular, such as Nasiru Garba Supa in Kano and Musa Danbade in Kaduna, or only those Naija crooners such as Dapo Oyebanjo (D'banj), Abolere Akande (9ice), Innocent Idibia (Tuface), 2-Effects and Sound Sultan? Clearly, much needs to be done to sift the grains from the chaff and then determine the modalities for moviemakers and musicians to access the fund. If care is not taken, this government's bonanza would spawn the biggest leadership tussle ever witnessed in the industry and cause divisions between the various "Woods" in the country.

I believe that the industry does not need the largesse. Reason: it came out of the practice by successive regimes to throw money at problems. What the entertainment industry truly needs to develop is a conducive business environment. Remember that Nollywood was created from nothing by adventurous entrepreneurs about 18 years ago with the release of the flick, Living in Bondage, and has grown in leaps and bounds without government money. Of course, it is bedevilled by problems. It suffers from the "Nigerian factor", which includes anything from piracy and insecurity to the poor state of the economy. One of the biggest problems is piracy. The country's lax laws have made it impossible for producers to enjoy the fruits of their labour. They are held in bondage by these thieves. They should be rescued.

Nollywood's ranking by UNESCO's Institute of Statistics as number one in the world is on production volume rather than quality. Nigerian movies are shot on shoestring budgets with cheap equipment. Professionalism is rare because stakeholders lack training, hence the insensitive portrayals of our society as a haven of crime, fetish and exposed flesh. Lax laws and the get-rich-quick nature of Nigerians worsen the situation. Little surprise, then, that only a few Nollywood movies are of value to foreign audiences aside Nigerians in the Diaspora. Consider Tsotsi, the South African movie, or India's Slumdog Millionaire. Tsotsi was made on a $3 million budget and it grossed about $10 million. It also won an Oscar and a Golden Globe for best foreign language film in 2005 and 2006 respectively.

But our movies have poor storylines and a predictable nature. Complaints, as a result, are reverberating across Africa. In Uganda, an MP, Sarah Wasike Mwebaza, blames an increase in witchcraft cases in that country on the influx of Nigerian movies. The Ugandan government is now mulling a bill to address the issue. This shows that our movie makers need to self-reflect and aim at quality in their stories, storytelling style, pictures and sound. They should show the world that their business is not only about making the quick buck but also about art. The bonanza from government should not, therefore, be viewed in monetary terms but as support and recognition. Once regarded as cool cash, it would divide and distract them from business.

--
Picture above: Artistes and crew shooting a Nollywood movie. Photo: BBC

Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, today.

A Vote For The Youths

2010-11-14T04:44:00.000-08:00

"Crabbed age and youth cannot live together;
Youth is full of pleasance, age full of care;
Youth like the summer morn, age like winter weather;
Youth like summer brave, age like winter bare"

– William Shakespeare (1564-1616)

"Youth is full of sport, age's breath is short; youth is nimble, age is lame; youth is hot and bold, age is weak and cold; youth is wild, and age is tame."

– William Shakespeare

A significant stir is going on in Africa regarding the impact of age on the development of our nations. Induced mostly by the emergence, two years ago, of a youthful Barack Obama as the 44th president of the United States, the thinking presupposes that, in the management of nation, a young person is better than a grumpy old man whose bones and brains have grown tired and rusty. Obama is a reminder that the world’s youths have hope of attaining the pinnacle of leadership, be it in corporate bodies or in the presidency of nations. This prospect was further reinforced by the election of another youth, David Cameron, as British prime minister in May, this year. Suddenly, a reawakening began to take place amongst Africa’s youths, who have always been sidelined from leading their countries.

The reason for this is the concern that Africa is the global hub of gerontocratic regimes, where old men (and a woman) rule like the emperors of old. Africans are used to having oldies as presidents or heads of government, most of whom are sit-tight dictators who regard their countries as exclusive fiefdoms. They brook no opposition, even when running their own versions of democracy. Respect for elders, even if they have overstayed their welcome and are dictatorial, corrupt or murderous, is the norm.

Today, there is an overpowering urge to link Africa’s underdevelopment to the age of its rulers. Of course, there are other factors why our continent is the most backward on earth, but that we also harbour the oldest rulers cannot be denied. They superintend the thieving going on and seem unable to move with the times. Their vision cannot respond to the demands of modern leadership. The world is changing fast, but Africa’s despotic leaders are not, cannot and will not.

As I write, some statistics, which link Africa’s underdevelopment to the age of its leaders, are circulating on the internet. They are a startling revelation of how old folks – the men of yesteryears – stradde the leadership of the continent while their counterparts in the First World have receded to the background to nurse their health and ponder the end-times. The statistics, entitled, “Why Africa is 25 Years Behind the Developed World...”, are as follows:

AFRICAN LEADERS

•Robert Mugabe (Zimbabwe ) - 86

•Abdullahi Wade (Senegal) - 83 years

•Hosni Mubarak (Egypt ) - 82

•Paul Biya (Cameroon) - 77

•Bingu Wa Mutharika (Malawi) - 76

•Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf (Liberia ) - 75

•H. Pohamba (Namibia ) - 74

•Rupiah Banda (Zambia) - 73

•Mwai Kibaki (Kenya) - 71

•Muammar Gaddafi (Libya) - 68

•Jacob Zuma (South Africa) - 68

Average Age: - 75.6

Approximately - 76 years

THE FIRST WORLD

•Abdullah Gül (Turkey ) - 60

•Angela Merkel (Germany ) - 56

•Nicolas Sarkozy (France) - 55

•José Sócrates (Portugal) - 53

•Stephen Harper (Canada) - 51

•Julia Gillard (Australia) - 49

•José L. R. Zapatero (Spain) - 49

•Barack Obama (USA) - 48

•Dmitry Medvedev (Russia) - 45

•David Cameron (UK) - 43

Average Age: - 51.1

Approximately - 51 years

DIFFERENCE: 25 years

What this list tries to show, in simple terms, is that Africa, a Third World entity, has not developed because it is saddled with old men who lack the vibrancy to lead their nations in the modern age. At the end of the tabulation, a question was posed: “Guys, how do we move forward with this old squad?”

To answer this question, each African has to look at the situation in their own country and see what is really changing. In Nigeria, a sea change occured in 2007 when Umaru Yar’Adua, 56, was made president at the end of the tenure of Olusegun Obasanjo, who was then 70. But Yar’Adua’s rule did not last as he succumbed to a debilitating illness and died this year. The current president, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, is a 53-year-old. According to the standard set by current African leadership ethos, he is still young, but judging by the standard of developed nations, he has passed the mark a little. And if he wins next year’s election and rules for another four years, he would be 58 years old –– much younger than Obasanjo when he was elected but still on the wizened side.

It is heart-warming that there are, at least, two younger persons gunning for Nigeria’s presidency today. Governor Bukola Saraki of Kwara State is 48 years old while the former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Malam Nuhu Ribadu, is 50. Both have a record of integrity. While Saraki has made great strides as governor, Ribadu has shown that it is possible to fight corruption in Africa. Apart from Jonathan, the leading candidates for the presidency, however, are not these two but three men of yesteryears: Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, 69; Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, 68, and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, 64.

This means that it will take a long while before the “new breed” are able to upstage the old from the top post, unless, of course, Nigerian voters change the rules by electing a young person as president as their counterparts did in the U.S. and the U.K. Whatever the case, young people in Africa should begin to seek elective offices on their own merit. They should campaign for votes and not lean on the support of the so-called elders or godfathers. Any young person who is able to sway the multitude to his/her side would make the elders fall in line. They should have the will to do this.

The youths may not have the money to bribe the voters, but their will and goodwill would see them through. In 2007, at age 51, Pat Utomi campaigned vigorously for president on the platform of the African Democratic Congress (ADC). Although he did not succeed, he showed that a confident and competent young person can seek the throne and perform creditably. That’s what Obama and Cameron did and succeeded. So, why not an African?

The Problem With Desperados

2010-11-09T05:22:00.000-08:00

So much has been said about the propensity of Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan to count on the meaning of his first name to reach great heights in life. It is related that right from kindergarten, the man had leaned on a smiling providence to lift him up from obscurity to the limelight. The same streak of good luck has followed him right to where he is today.

It was in politics that his luck shone brightest. He never ran for an election on his own. He always skipped from being a deputy to a principal: the Bayelsa State governor found himself in trouble when Jonathan was deputising for him, and he gave way for the latter to ascend the throne; President Umaru Yar’Adua got into deep trouble with his health, and he died. Jonathan became the most powerful man in Africa. How much luck could one ask for?

All this while, there was no proof that the ever-smiling man coveted positions of power and influence. They dropped onto his lap from the heavens, like manna. Well, until now. Today, when the potentials power holds for him are most glaring, Jonathan appears to be running out of luck. For the first time in his life, he is standing in front of millions asking to vote for him. Now that he knows what it means to be president, he also knows what it could mean not to be president. Now he is working hard to remain in his seat. Hard luck, many persons are committed to snatching it from him. The desperation is mutual on both sides.

Jonathan, who might not have even worked hard to marry his wife, is no longer counting on good luck. He has to work for it the hard way. And he is not taking any chances. The presidency of Nigeria is not one you get through sheer luck. Political power is slippery, and those raising the stakes so high for him – the other candidates – are also formidable opponents.

But Jonathan does not want us to believe that he is desperate to get elected. It is those others that are, he tells us. It is not a do-or-die affair. In his Facebook update on Tuesday, he accused his opponents in the race of what he described as “dangerously anxious to the extent of hitting some of us below the belt.”

For me, it sounded like somebody saying, “Look, I’m the one who’s desperate, but don’t tell me I am.” This is because the president has exhibited this instinct on more occasions than can be counted, much more than those he denigrates. He also keeps showing that his desperation is growing by the day as the general elections draw near. I have a small list of such inauspicious moments:

• The forced resignation of national chairman of the ruling PDP, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, because he did not believe that power should return to the South because of Yar’Adua’s death. He voiced concern that some people were working on making Jonathan run in the presidential contest;

• The president encouraged a group of Northern politicians to sponsor a “national summit” in Kaduna which endorsed his decision to contest in the 2011 polls. This group was a crude counterbalance to another Northern group which had earlier said the region would not back any move by Jonathan to participate in the election because the North’s turn had not expired;

• Jonathan’s unintelligent denial of the zoning agreement within the PDP when even a primary school pupil could point it out in the document;

• The president’s absolution of the MEND from the twin bombing in Abuja on Independence Day when every fact before and after the attack had shown that it was indeed the terrorist group that carried it out. The ongoing trial of MEND leader Henry Okah in Johannesburg and subsequent investigations by Nigerian security organisations have fingered unequivocally at only one group for the crime – MEND. Jonathan had reckoned that a terrorist attack in the North by people from his own state would question his capacity and sincerity as president of Nigeria and so tried to deflect attention from them in such a disingenuous fashion.

• The government’s smear campaign against the strongest opponent of Jonathan in the 2011 race, former president Ibrahim B. Babangida (IBB), in order to discredit him and force him out of the contest. IBB has been called names by the Goodluck/Sambo Campaign Organisation and by some shadowy groups linked to the president. Only this week, “former leaders” of MEND were reported to have stormed Bayelsa, Jonathan’s home state, asking the Federal Government to investigate the murder of journalist Dele Giwa – as if the matter had never been investigated before. Besides, this looks like the case of the kettle calling the pot black – a group of “former” and proven criminals asking the authorities to punish a suspect;

• The smear campaign against IBB and his supporters included the failed to link him to the Abuja bomb blasts. We should also not forget the fact that Chief Raymond Dokpesi, the director of IBB’s campaign organisation, was disowned by some political leaders from his native Niger delta region because of his refusal to follow Jonathan. Chief Edwin Clark, the octogenarian leader of the group of elders, is the mainstay of the Jonathan presidency from the region. Dokpesi was further threatened by MEND, who said that they would hurt him, his family and his business outfits for his effrontery in backing IBB;

• Jonathan’s attempt to force an amendment to the Electoral Act 2010 to allow all his ministers and aides to serve as delegates in the forthcoming primary election. After the Senate had rejected the bill, another attempt of the president to sneak the bill back into the House of Representatives was reported this week;

• The attempted “coup” against Governor Bukola Saraki of Kwara State to remove him as chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum because of his refusal to back Jonathan in the 2011 election and replace him with a compliant Governor Gbenga Daniel. The move, which failed woefully this week, was orchestrated by some governors who are hell-bent on making Jonathan the elected president of Nigeria.

Need I provide more proof of Jonathan’s desperation to cling to power through the 2011 election? Yes, the president has a constitutional right to contest. The problem is his denial of his party’s internal agreement to which he was a signatory and all the other crude tactics he and his campaign team are employing in order to remain in office. One can understand that a man who has never won an election on his own merit would now want to prove his mettle in the ring. But should he be so desperate? The problem with desperados is that they can say and do anything in order to get what they want. And with the instruments of power in their hands, they can be dangerous.

Jonathan should prove his electability through good works now that he is in the saddle, as well as good conduct through his pronouncements and actions. The burden of incumbency has put more responsibility on him than on any other candidate. His campaign team’s spitfire reactions to the other aspirants are uncalled for. They only go to prove that the president and the people he gave the job of helping him win the election are not so sure of themselves, do not trust the good luck he has been known for, and would do anything to win – by hook or crook. That does not sound palatable to our young democracy.

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, last Saturday

Migration To The Digital Media

2010-11-01T13:25:00.000-07:00

By Ibrahim Sheme

A tectonic shift is taking place right now in much of Europe’s mass media industry. The traditional media as they are known globally – print edition newspapers and magazines, as well as television and transistor radio – are transmuting into digital versions that reach out to audiences that were hitherto contemplated only in fairy tales and sci-fi. The reason for this is mainly due to the explosion of internet use and the coming of new media devices and the social networks, both of which have caused a sharp, life-threatening decline in the sale of printed copy news journals. This decline has brought a crisis among traditional media because a fall in revenue means only one thing: a reduction in staffers and eventual shrinking of departments, a feature which can only lead to closure of businesses. The war of survival began long before the arrival of the new electronic devices which brought a rosy side of the bad story.

But war and crisis are sometimes good for some businessmen. Consequently, eagle-eyed media entrepreneurs on the continent have since discovered the vision of exploiting the crisis faced by their newspapers by investing in the new media heralded by the amazing evolution of technology. Side by side with their ownership of traditional media systems, these entrepreneurs are building digital media companies that are making up for their huge losses in revenue and promising greater harvests. For those European innovators, the future is already here.

This much I discovered here in Istanbul, Turkey (from where I write), during a two-day conference this week, organised by the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA). I have heard from top managers how various media organisations are making a bold migration from traditional media to the emerging digital one. It’s like watching people rushing into Noah’s Ark while you are left standing alone on an island that’s being flooded. Speaker after speaker captured the event’s imagination with lurid tales of the humongous profits they are making from the vast market forged by the new technologies. And I wondered: God, where are we? I mean, those of us in developing nations where poverty, poor reading culture and lack of vision have combined to stunt our progress. In our countries, few media managers have woken up from the slumber of operating traditional media. The obsession is still with the printed copy tabloids, banner advertising, supplements and classifieds. The prospects offered by digital media are yet to be fully appreciated, and only a handful of operators are willing to step into the new genre. The imperfections of running a traditional media system is still tolerated as if it is a straight-jacket that cannot be changed or thrown off.

In Nigeria, however, there is a small stir among media organisations towards the new appreciation. Some companies, notably Leadership, The Punch, Next and the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) have begun to break new grounds by introducing ‘‘news on the go’’ through cell phones. For a small price, you get headlines of the major news stories of the day. But for these companies, that small fee, translated into millions of subscribers, can simply mean huge revenue at comparatively lower cost of production. This small step exemplifies the immense potentialities embedded in digital media business.

In Europe, the new media groups are not satisfied with uploading news stories onto their websites as most Nigerian newspapers are doing or hurling one-liner news summaries at subscribers for a tiny monthly fee; they are selling not only content to their millions of subscribers but are also attracting advertising from business organisations. In doing this, they launch separate internet companies specifically for the purpose of promoting the new media business. All over the continent, internet traffic is exploding. New devices such as the iPod and smart phones like BlackBerry are presenting great opportunities that are ready to be exploited. These devices, which work like hand in glove with social networks such as Facebook (which has 5 million users worldwide and growing), Twitter and Myspace, can be fully exploited by the hard-nosed entrepreneur.

Moreover, the “new” media networks are not really new in the real sense of the word. They are only diversifying, using the knowledge they have garnered across the ages, and building separate operations that can work with the new trend. This means that traditional media groups in Nigeria and other developing nations can do the same. Already, the internet market is opening up ever more rapidly. Internet use is growing fast and the new devices are becoming increasingly available. Anyone familiar with internet use in Nigeria knows that the two trends have grown tremendously in the past two years or so. Facebook is a familiar playground for a great number of Nigerian youths.

One secret of success in the field is to be both proactive and different. As Hanzade Dogan, chairwoman of one of Turkey’s leading media groups, Dogan Gazetecilik A.S., said at the Istanbul conference, in order to make yourself attractive to the .com generation, you as a media organisation must be able to make your digital products different and ensure to find the best ways to make use of the new digital devices. Another secret is to start early. Many of the media companies enjoying the goodies of the new genre in Europe are those that took the all-important first step a long time ago when their competitors were prevaricating. Bela Papp, group business development director at Ringier AG, a leading digital media company in Switzerland, spoke of how the 170-year-old family-owned conglomerate made the successful transition to the digital business model early enough and is today reaping millions from its investment. Another secret told by Mr Papp is that the company keeps a tab on mobile phone development. “We move fast with innovation, knowing there are big players out there who are interested in the same ideas,” he said.

Another secret is that you do not have to be a newspaper owner or big operator of an existing media house to be able to go into the digital media business. You could begin by launching a web site for classifieds, for instance, selling advertising space to car dealers, restaurants or used goods, and then diversifying into attracting clientele from banks, insurance corporations, GSM providers, etc. The important thing is to prove that the site is accessible to users through computers and smart phones.

The greatest beneficiaries, however, would be those that have traditional media systems in place. Reliable media names also count. Existing groups can sell themselves through self-ads on their own media outlets and can show that subscribers can derive other benefits, such as exclusive news of politics, sports and entertainment, as well as analyses and commentary by respected columnists. The important thing for existing media companies is to monetise their internet content through exclusive offerings to their subscribers. To achieve this, Nigerian media companies may need to collaborate through associations such as NPAN. But as it happened elsewhere in Europe, some companies may not want to play along for one reason or the other (mostly selfish). If that happens, however, nothing stops even one company from making the plunge. With time, as proof shows in the developed information societies of the western hemisphere, others would join the trend in the future whether they like it or not. This is because this is a great idea whose time has come.

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Published in LEADERSHIP WEEKEND, October 30, 2010

Protecting The Ugly Duckling

2010-10-28T13:52:00.000-07:00

What do you do to a child that has gone deliberately bad? Get a cane, of course, and give them a whacking on the bottom. But a Hausa saying tells you, "Hannun ka ba ya rubewa ka yanke ka yar," i.e. you don't cut off your hand and throw it away just because it is rotten. The saying is rooted in the traditional family system which encourages family members to protect their own even if the person happens to have gone bad or astray. Consequently, if a family member commits a heinous crime such as theft, adultery or even murder, members of their family are expected not to disown them; after all, as a Nigerian parlance says, blood is thicker than water.

Our diplomats who work in our foreign missions have since adopted this blood-tie protectionism of the average Nigerian person as a work to rule requirement. Hence the speed with which they stoutly resist any portrayal of Nigeria as leader in corruption and insecurity. Since last year, three events have happened that showed our distaste for negative portrayal. Let's start with the recent one, which happened only yesterday. Nigeria's High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, Dr Dalhatu Sarki Tafida, has sent a letter of protest to the BBC complaining about a billionaire businessman's comment about Nigeria on a television programme. The founder of Amstrad computers, Sir Alan Sugar, had suggested on his own reality TV show, "The Apprentice," currently running on BBC TV network, that Nigerians are not to be trusted when it comes to dealing with financial promises. During a recent episode of the programme, Lord Sugar asked a participant on the programme why he should not fire him, and the latter responded: "If you give me one hundred grand a year, I will deliver to you 10 times that and if I don't - take it all back. A money back guarantee, I'm confident." To this, Lord Sugar answered: "I had an offer like that from Nigeria once and funnily enough it didn't transpire."

Tafida didn't like it one bit. In his letter, he fumed: "It was an unprovoked, damaging remark on a sovereign and independent state of over 150 million people, based on his alleged sordid and isolated deal with a Nigerian individual. It is indeed demeaning and unfortunate." Apparently, Dr Tafida had read in Lord Sugar's comment another attempt to demonise Nigerians through negative portrayal on prime time television. Perhaps if he had ignored the glib comment, the matter would have petered out almost unnoticed, but he fired a salvo to the BBC, which the British press celebrated yesterday, at once putting Nigeria on the world map once again, albeit for all the wrong reasons.

A similar incident had incensed Ambassador Tafida recently, with the BBC caught in its web. On April 15, the BBC broadcast a documentary entitled, "Welcome to Lagos," on its UK network. It was an uncomplimentary portrayal of life in the country's most populous city. After watching it, I was persuaded to believe that the images shown were not false; the BBC's offence was that it showed its viewers an aspect of Nigerian life our leaders would not want the rest of the world to know. And Lagos being a microcosm of Nigeria, the world would now see the country as grossly underdeveloped, a nation where poverty and violence combine to create a monstrosity far removed from the picture our leaders and diplomats are stiving to convey.

After the first of the three-part series was aired, Tafida took up the matter and conveyed a letter of protest to the controller of BBC2, Ms. Janice Hadlow. He expressed "dismay and disappointment" with the "sinister" documentary. "The (high) commission would therefore like to register its strong rejection of this documentary as a deliberate distortion of life in Lagos, and totally unwarranted," he said. He believed that the documentary was an attempt to bring Nigeria and its hardworking people to international odium and scorn."

In a similar incident in September last year, Sony Pictures Entertainment, an arm of the global filmmaking franchise, had released a movie it shot in South Africa entitled "District 9." In the sci-fi flick, Nigerians were portrayed as common criminals and prostitutes and the leader of a criminal gang was called Obasanjo. I remember information minister Dora Akunyili running from pillar to post over the movie, spewing comments similar to the ones Tafida made over the Lagos documentary.
It is easy to surmise that these three incidents have established a pattern of Nigeria demonization. Major media corporations are eager to exploit the notorious stereo-typed view about Nigerians in their bid for a chunk of the entertainment and news market share.

Which leads me to ask: Where are our security organisations when foreign journalists come in and shoot documentaries? It is only in Nigeria this happens without official guides. Secondly, is what they are showing the world the truth and nothing but the truth? The answer is Yes and No. No, because Nigeria has made great contributions to various spheres of human endeavour - in the academia, literature, sports, peacekeeping, administration, business, entertainment, etc. It is, therefore, wrong to categorise all Nigerians as crooks and the country as a nation of scammers as one former U.S. ambassador to Nigeria once did.

But, Yes, these shining achievements are being dimmed by the bad works: the unrelenting pursuit by some other Nigerians to commit various unwholesome acts - from corruption to prostitution, illegal immigration, advance fee fraud (419), fake weddings, kidnappings, religious crises, murder, robbery, etc. This country is a leading member of the corruption league, with many of its leaders being caught red-handed in corruption offences. Look at the mind-blowing revelations in the banking industry and the capital market. Look at Halliburton. Look at the bombing of Abuja by MEND. Only recently, two of our boys were caught with drug use in the 19th Commonwealth Games in Delhi. And Amos Adamu has just proved that our sports administration is also a gold winner in the global corruption index. The actions of our political leaders, who promote the culture of get-rich-quick, are being emulated by other Nigerians. Hence the propensity by young Nigerians to make both ends meet in any way they can, including through acts that would paint the nation black. To many people overseas, the Nigerian is the ugly duckling from Africa. Why should we play the ostrich and pretend, through letters of protest, that these things do not happen?

Anyone familiar with the stereo-typing of Nigerians abroad would quickly link Lord Sugar's comment to the advance fee fraud phenomenon known as '419,' which is perpetrated by young Nigerians desperate to make money. Hundreds of unsuspecting foreigners have fallen prey to criminals who send fake claims via E-mail offering mouth-watering business deals in return for secret payoffs, which can run from a few hundred dollars to millions of dollars or pound sterling. Lord Sugar, the 61-year-old British peer who is worth an estimated £830 million, could have been a victim of such scams. His undisclosed experience, which happened only "once," would be familiar to many other Britons who were victims of similar scams.

Nigerian leaders should do more on improving the living condition of their people. They should commit themselves to education, job creation, and good investment climate, including provision of security and electricity. Doing this would help make Nigerian citizens stay in their own country and not force themselves into countries where they are unwanted. This is a more pre-emptive measure in checking the ceaseless negative portrayal of Nigeria by the foreign media and other institutions than sending protest letters.

Publıshed ın LEADERSHIP last Saturday

Breaking-Out Time For Women In Northern Nigeria

2010-10-21T04:28:00.000-07:00

Book: Northern Women Development: A Focus on Women in Northern Nigeria
Author: Hajara Muhammad Kabir
Pages: 455
Publishers: Print Serve, Lagos
Date: 2010

By Ibrahim Sheme

Women are over half of the world's population, yet they do two-thirds of the world's work, earn one-tenth of the world's income, and own less than one hundredth of the world's poverty.
– United Nations

It is no longer news that the lot of women across the world has been a dour one even in spite of their potential as the progenitor of the earth. The facts are startling. It is women who give birth and nurse the children; they take charge of the home front regardless of culture or creed, maintaining cohesion and sanity at the family level, are the mainstay in child upbringing, and generally contribute to the growth of society. Nonetheless, in spite of their numerical superiority worldwide, they have remained backward economically and politically. Worse, they are regarded as inferior species in almost every society.

The relegation of women in the human society was rooted in prejudices dating from time immemorial. Most communities across the globe took the fair sex to be of second class value. In pre-Islamic Arabia, the birth of a female child was considered a disaster; in fact, female children were buried alive because their fathers believed that when they grew up they would not bring anything but sorrow and damnation to the family.

The recently published book, Northern Women Development: A Focus on Women in Northern Nigeria, is a painstaking study of how women fared worldwide across the ages. It arrives at a thought-provoking conclusion about their present-day status, especially in this part of the country. Written by a Kano-based author, Hajara Muhammad Kabir, the book goes down memory lane to the dawn of time, giving a graphic account of the challenges the womenfolk faced in their brave attempt at survival and striking a meaningful co-existence with their opposites. In 10 chapters and 455 pages, it presents a long tale of women’s woes in the various facets of life, and then rounds up with indisputable facts of the necessity for women’s wellbeing in and their contributions to the human society. In doing this, the author is at once a historian, a sociologist, an ethnographer, a geographer, a tale-bearer and an activist who challenges our preconceived notions, portraying them as unsubstantiated, fatuous, and outdated. She reminds us, for example, that women make up 70% of the world's 1.3 billion absolute poor; they are the sole income earners of 35% of the world's households and they are 80% of the world's 23 million refugees.

Hajara Muhammad Kabir’s focus is her native northern Nigeria, but the ethos of her narrative is universal. She draws from a swathe of highly-considered researches that portray the true situation of women as victims of economic miscalculations and cultural misapplications in our patriarchal world. Quoting copiously from findings of United Nations agencies and academic papers, her submissions amplify the message of women's relegation not only in far-flung climes but also in various African countries. "Decades after the world has officially recognised the right to gender equality," she writes, "women have remained largely marginalised from the upper ranks of government and business, earned less than their male counterparts and faced an array of customs, traditions and attitudes that limit their opportunities."

In chapter one, she introduces the problem the book deals with, giving a holistic account of women's unimpressive station, from a bird's view of the world to a tightly focused centring on the African continent. In chapter two, the book examines the status of women in Islam because of the author's area of coverage. This chapter is an interesting one because it dispels the notion many people have - ironically, including Muslim men - about the Muslim woman. It proves, using the primary sources of Islamic law, that women in Islam are not the proverbial "second best" but equal parts of the whole. They are not, as many erroneously believe, the spare tyres of the human wheel but partners in progress who must not be relegated. The fact that women and men shall be judged individually by God on the day of Judgement as shown in the holy Qur'an is proof that men are not more significant in the progression of humanity. Of course, they are biologically different, but that does not remove from their sense of honour, morality or responsibility. They should be loved and accorded respectability as daughters, wives and mothers just as decreed by the Almighty and as exemplified by Prophet Muhammad (SAW). The author mourns the fact that in Muslim parts of northern Nigeria, women are not accorded the rights provided for them in the Qur'an and the Sunnah, but are exposed to "various abuses, ranging from rape, abandonment, sexual harassment, hawking, and unguarded early marriage."

The next chapter examines the rights of women across the world. In doing this, it makes a contradistinction with the status of women in the North. The practices of women abuse, such as the "bride of the Nile" custom in ancient Egypt where the most beautiful young woman was drowned in the river as a form of appeasement to the gods, are somewhat subsumed in our local cultures with variations that only amplify the barbarity in contemporary time. The book shows how some religions help debase the fair sex through institutionalised practices falsely said to have been God-ordained. It shows that as opposed to such imposition, Islam - the religion of the majority population in the North - has returned the rights of women, including the right to go out of their homes in the promotion of the common good, such as going out to the warfront.

Chapter 4 is simply an account of what Nigeria is all about - its geographic location on the world map, peoples and politics, as well as the historical and economic antecedents of its present underdevelopment. It is in the next chapter that we read about the real challenges militating against the Nigerian woman's ability to fully realise her full potential. These include the discrimination she faces in the fields of politics and business; inadequate education, prejudices such as when she cannot bear a male child, and what the author calls the Nigerian men's deliberately "plotting the downfall of the women."

According to the author, this situation runs counter to the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the 1995 UN Fourth World Conference on Women and even our own National Policy on Women. She says even though women constitute 49.6% of the nation's total population according to the 1991 census, majority of women are in the lower rungs of occupations.

Chapter 6 is on the need for educating the girl child. This chapter is of great interest to northern Nigeria. It shows further what "northern Nigeria" is, where and how it is, and the place of its women vis-a-vis the creation and sustenance of a holistic human community. The North, as the region is best known in Nigerian journalese, is the most backward section of the country. Its peoples are largely ignorant because of a crying illiteracy rate, disease and squalor, economic degradation and poor leadership. The women in this case are at the receiving end.

The chapter examines the factors militating against the girl child’s access to education in the region and why Northern women continue to remain backward. It looks at the prejudices that spark the notorious discrimination and objectification of the womenfolk in the region. However, it gives clear examples that show women's potential, such as the unique success of a female teacher in an Islamic school in Kano. The chapter argues that the potentials of the girl child are numerous and shows what the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) can do to further the cause of girl child education. It highlights the problems of enrolment of girls in schools as found out by recent seminars and workshops. It shows that unless the appropriate laws are enforced by state governments in the North, it is virtually impossible to achieve retention of female children in schools in the region.

In chapter 7, the book seeks to dwell on the role of women in peace and security, but it actually concentrates on their challenges in the health sphere. Chapter 8 is the lengthiest, running from page 105 to page 354. It displays the enviable attainments of some selected women leaders in the North, from pre-colonial times to the present day. It is a historical account of the personality of those women in their different fields of endeavour. The first person presented is, indeed, Nana Asma'u, the 19th century Islamic scholar who had to her credit many books of jurisprudence and poetry. A list of her 67 works is given. Next is Queen Amina of Zazzau, the fiery empress who ruled an ancient kingdom in the 16th century, making her the most prominent woman warrior from the North. This is followed by an account of Queen Daurama of Daura, with her fabled encounter with Abu Yazid, the prince of Baghdad and how they allegedly founded the seven Hausa states.

From there, the reader begins to encounter many familiar faces, contemporary women who made a mark in the society, especially after independence in 1960. Most of them are the first ladies who were opportune to have their husbands being in power either at the federal level or the state level to execute empowerment programmes for women and children. In this category, we encounter Maryam Babangida, Maryam Abacha, Fati Lami Abubakar, and Turai Yar'Adua, who were wives of heads of state, and then the wives of all the present northern state governors.

Of course, there are achievers who attained fame through their personal hard work in various areas, such as Ladi Kwali, Gambo Sawaba, Amina Az-Zubair of the MDGs fame, Maria Ajima, Balaraba Ramat Yakubu, Zainab Ujudud Shariff, Amina Isyaku Kiru, Laila Dogonyaro, Hafsatu Muhammad Ahmad Abdulwahid, Zaynab Alkali, Sarah Jibril, Naja'atu Mohammed, Halima Soda, Farida Waziri, Bilkisu Yusuf, and Maryam Uwais. A bio-data of each woman is given, sometimes with full-length CV, and a treatise on what she actually accomplished. Each is illustrated with the woman's photograph(s).

Going through this particular chapter is quite revealing. It shows that in spite of the sob story of the dull condition of women in general, quite many have shone brightly in the tunnel and shown the way to greater things. We see women climbing the ladder of success in politics, business, religious evangelism, the academia, health work, the arts, occupations and the civil service. These are the role models of our society and, in spite of the controversies surrounding a few of them, the younger females who are in school are tasked to emulate them.

The next chapter contains stories culled from newspapers about how certain women achieved particular feats. The stories are meant to inspire; they cast light into just what an individual can do even without support from formal institutions: the woman who unwittingly arrested an armed robber, a woman who drives a commercial bus in Sokoto, and another who owns and runs a herbal medicine "hospital" in Zaria. Other culled write-ups are enlightening pieces on how some women breasted the tape to become beacons of hope in a male-dominated society: Sarah Jibril with her repeated bids to become president of Nigeria; Hajo Sani's rise from relative obscurity as a school teacher in Dutse, Abuja, to her brave breakout to become a federal minister and member of reputable NGOs; Mairo Habib's gubernatorial race in Kaduna; Aisha Lemu's great work in the area of Islamic evangelism; Asma'u Joda's activism for women's rights, etc. In this section, we hear the women achievers speak from the horse's mouth on their experiences and their visions.

There is a speech by Kofi Annan, former U.S. secretary-general, titled "Women: Backbone of the Societies," in which he extenuates on the fact that no effective development can occur without women playing a central role. He laments that two "simultaneous catastrophes" - famine and AIDS - do stand in the way of women. Other write-ups are from some notable women journalists in the North - Rahima Gidado Bello, Zainab Okino Suleiman, Bilkisu Yusuf and Umma Iliyasu Mohammed - all making the point that this country cannot afford to relegate its womenfolk in any design for meaningful development.

Chapter 10 sums up the arguments with an analysis of what transpired in the previous chapters. It is appropriately titled "Prospects of Nigerian Women in Politics," thereby hinting at the fact that women can only affect policy most effectively if they are part of its creation and implementation. They must, therefore, participate fully in the political process and not just remain in the choir. It explores the status of women from pre-colonial times to the present day, taking note of their challenges and relative accomplishments, with particular emphasis on Nigeria. It tells us how activists such as Margaret Ekpo and Gambo Sawaba earned a niche for themselves in the realm of empowerment in the '60s, and how others like Janet Akinrinade, Franca Afegbua and D.B.A. Kuforiji-Olubi, as well as Titilayo Ajanaku, Sinatu Ojikutu and Florence Ita-Giwa, etc., repeated similar feats in the '80s and '90s respectively. The author shows how women's lot improved under successive regimes, with women being appointed as ministers, winning elections and occupying top board positions in corporate bodies.

That, nonetheless, does not presuppose that women have conquered their boundaries. Their status is still limited by the invisible ceiling. They are still everywhere in shackles, as the author shows. Men are still "taking advantage of the women," she argues. Women are also their own enemies. "In a society where women are out competing with one another just because they want to be recognized and honoured only by using what they have to get what they want even when some are married, one should not be surprised to see the women going into prostitution en masse, especially the sisters who believe they owe nobody an apology," she writes.

According to the author, the destiny of women lies in their hands. She advises her fellow women: "Not until the women realize that the pride of womanhood is most important and not to be used for just material wealth and make the men to understand that they are not tools to be used and dumped at will, the women will remain enslaved forever and will continue to use what they have to get what they want. Women must wake up from their slumber, forget about material wealth and be respected."

The work is capped with seven pages of references and a whopping 76 pages of colour photographs. While the other lends an academic veneer to the book, the other provides a tantalising photofest of women in various fields of endeavour; there are mug shots of selected women achievers, from ancient times such as Queen Amina (whose photograph graces the cover of the book), to those making waves today.

The book is well written. Its diction is simple and its style free flowing. This makes it accessible to most readers. It is also well printed and bound on qualitative materials. But it contains some errors - grammatical and typographical - that can be corrected in a subsequent edition. Personally, I also do not consider wives of state governors as achievers as the author of this book wants us to believe; they only clutch the tails of their husbands' coats to be where they are; that's why as soon as another governor comes to power no one talks about the previous first lady. Ditto for first ladies who introduce all sorts of programmes when their husbands are heads of state. True women achievers are those that make a mark in the academia, business, the arts, empowerment activism, health work, the judiciary, defence and security, evangelism, those that run for elections and the like.

However, in spite of this slip, one has no any iota of doubt that Hajara Muhammad Kabir's book is an important compendium for the study of women - and by implication ourselves - in modern times. It reflects the unique configuration of our society, its successes and failures, especially the dangers it faces in holding its women down. It proves that one of the reasons our society is stagnant while others zoom past us is our failure to give our women their well deserved recognition, respect and opportunities to contribute their quota to the development of the society. The penchant to haughtily use customary rites and misapply religious precepts to emasculate women has proved to be ruinous to our society. Holding down women is anti-religion and runs counter to all the international protocols to which Nigeria is a signatory. We must ensure that our women are educated in the modern sense, from infancy to adulthood. It is education that will eventually help break the chains in which they are enslaved by norms and conventions.

The book is a clarion call for the women in northern Nigeria to break out of the shackles that hold them down. The women must fight for their rights themselves and not wait for the men to give them privileges on a platter of gold. History is replete with instances where women struggled to free themselves from conventions and jaded notions. It is instructive that the heroine whose photograph illustrates the cover of the book was someone who fought men to a standstill until she won respect and power for her gender. The author deserves commendation and support for teaching us these important lessons and waking us up from a costly slumber. May she follow this up with her own form of activism in this area and not peter out and disappear into oblivion after the forthcoming launch of her book.

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The book, Northern Women Development: A Focus on Women in Northern Nigeria, will be launched on Oct. 30 at Arewa House, Kaduna

This review was published in LEADERSHIP last Friday.