By Ibrahim Sheme
An upsurge in criminal activities nationwide in recent times has upped an already volatile security situation in the country.Armed robbery, kidnapping, rape, sectarian crises, assassinations, you name it,are just some of the more serious forms of violence that make life in Nigeria"solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short" as well as - if I may paraphrase the Hobbesian dictum - inconsequential. The alarming rate of violence and criminality is bound to worsen in the coming months as poverty, unemployment,collapse of moral values as well as political thuggery increase.
While criminality is on an upswing nationwide,the eastern part of the country presents a bigger challenge. Almost on a daily basis, one atrocity or the other takes place in that region. Just about anybody could be kidnapped for ransom or killed. Many top politicians from the area,including members of the National Assembly, and other Igbo that have made it in business, the academia, the entertainment industry and other fields of humane ndeavour fear to visit their ancestral homes. Traditional weddings for successful Igbo are guarded by armed policemen or specially hired thugs.Consequently, many top Igbo avoid the region like the plague, choosing to remain in Lagos, Abuja and other cities. I hear that the Igbo's biggest headache is when they must of necessity travel to Igbo land for a wedding,funeral, thanksgiving, or at Christmas. Many would rather not go. Some have actually moved their parents out of the region.
As a favourite Igbo proverb says, when one finger touches oil it affects the others. The malaise is spreading fast. There have been kidnappings in far-flung cities like Lagos, Kaduna and Jigawa. In Kaduna,a Canadian volunteer of the Red Cross was abducted on April 16, 2009, and had to be rescued in a James Bond-style operation. The secretary to the Kaduna State Government, Mr. Waje Yayok, was seized at gunpoint in Kaduna on September 21, 2009, and driven all the way to Edo State where he was released after millions were paid to his abductors. Recently in Jigawa, the wife of the speaker of the State House of Assembly was kidnapped. Mercifully, she was rescued by the police; her kidnappers, who were at first reported to have been arrested, were all killed in a "shootout" with the cops.
In Port Harcourt, on June 11, the head of the Rivers State Civil Service Commission, Chief Anthony Egobueze, was killed by unknown gunmen around 3 a.m. The police, to whom he sent a distress call as the brigands were forcing themselves into his residence, arrived after the hoodlums had escaped. "No arrest has been made, but investigation is in progress," said the state Police Public Relations Officer, Dr Rita Inoma-Abbey, echoing what the police said in previous cases of unsolved assassinations in Nigeria. In the same city, two days later, unknown gunmen stormed a church at about 9:30 a.m., killed two worshipers and kidnapped the traditional ruler of Umuebulu community in Etche Local Government Area of the state, Eze Sunday Njoku. Inoma-Abbey simply stated that the hoodlums had driven towards Aba, Abia State, with their big catch and the police were waiting for them to make a contact, i.e., name their price. The following day, Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi said at a birthday party that his big headache was that the hoodlums perpetrating crimes in his domain come from neighbouring states. He appealed to Riverians living in border villages to watch the borders.
Are the Igbo mainly behind the upsurge in criminality in Nigeria? Reports tend to suggest just that. Recall that the Canadian volunteer, Mrs Julie Ann Mulligan, was kidnapped by Igbo elements. The federal government, which also seems to share this belief, appears to be fed up with the situation, which truly makes nonsense of its seven-point agenda and threatens foreign investment. It has, therefore, declared war on the criminals disturbing the peace in the South-East. Acting on a memorandum from the minister of Police Affairs, the Federal Executive Council revealed on Wednesday this week that President Jonathan has ordered the deployment of thousands of mobile policemen to the South-East.
Prof. Dora Akunyili, the Information minister,told reporters that the operation, codenamed 'IHE' - whatever that means -commenced simultaneously as planned across Anambra, Abia, Imo and Enugu states on June 6. According to her, 13 units of the police force were deployed to Abia, six to Imo, four to Enugu and 13 to Anambra. Throwing light on the operation at a different forum in Abuja, the inspector-general of police, Mr Ogbonna Onovo, revealed that 10,000 police personnel were deployed to the East"for search-and-rescue operation, as well as arresting the criminals and their sponsors".
It sounds like the "police measures"(but in reality the deployment of federal troops to the battle front) declared on July 6, 1967, on the eve of the Biafran war. Both Akunyili and Onovo, who are Igbo, must be very disturbed by this cankerworm which their people appearto be orchestrating more than any other tribe in Nigeria. Onovo should worry more. The task of stopping the spiral in criminality nationwide lies squarely on his broad shoulders. Any increase questions his effectiveness as the nation's No. 1 cop. No wonder when elders from the Ihiala community in Anambra State visited him in Abuja this week, he poured out his fury over what"his people" are doing to the nation. And he even revealed what most commentators on the issue would have otherwise missed: it's an Igbo-on-Igbo vicious circle. Onovo fumed: "States in the South-East are the only states in the country that kill and maim their own people. This is not in the history of the Igbo people."
The history is fast changing, no doubt. The Igbo youths' fabled craving for money has apparently doubled. And with increasing poverty, occasioned by lack of jobs and an atmosphere conducive for trading -an area in which the usually industrious Igbo people made a name - that ancestral record may become even more twisted. Onovo's solution to the problem is putting the responsibility of securing the region in the hands of community elders. He told his visitors that they should rise to the occasion. He said:"This is time the elders and everybody, especially the Ohaneze Ndi Igbo,join hands together to stop these dastardly acts. Enough of all this criminality!"
It is a carrot-and-stick solution. While the IG beseeched the elders, he sent 10,000 cops to deal with it their own way.Hopefully, it will work. But while this two-pronged approach is pursued, it is equally important to embark on massive creation of jobs, not only for the Igbo, but for youths in other parts of the country too. For without creating the necessary environment in which Nigerians can live, the war declared by government on criminals in the East would have to spread nationwide. Then it would no longer be a mere "police measure," but a full military operation against hoodlums.
Published in LEADERSHIP, on Saturday, June 19, 2010
Thursday, 24 June 2010
Wednesday, 16 June 2010
Zamfara’s Poisoned Apples
Written by Ibrahim Sheme
Poverty will continue to visit havoc on our communities unless we wake up now. Many incidents in recent times have challenged our conscience on this startling reality. The frightening fact was further driven home by last week’s discovery that 163 people, mostly children, died in recent weeks from lead poisoning in Zamfara State. Henry Akpan, the Federal Ministry of Health’s chief epidemiologist, told The Irish Times that 355 people across six villages in the state had sustained lead poisoning, which would take up to a month to treat in those affected. The disaster took place in remote villages (Bukkuyum, Sunke, Dareta, Tungar Magaji) where poverty-stricken people tried to dig out gold and other precious stones from makeshift mines.
That the deaths occurred in the rural areas – far from the centres of power and wealth – shows that the catastrophe was not a natural one, and it affects only the poor. Those that design policy and those that benefit more from it are usually unaffected by such mishaps. This suggests that political leaders scarcely bother about what goes on in the interior. Had there been a close interface – or at best a responsible monitoring – the Zamfara disaster would have been averted or minimised. According to reports, the deaths kept happening for months, but health officials in the state had no idea why. The ‘elected’ representatives of the people were obviously too busy pursuing lucre in Gusau to know what was going on. It was only when a team from Medicins Sans Frontiers (Doctors Without Borders) was testing for meningitis in the area that they observed a near-absence of children in many villages, and they wondered why. They carried out tests that showed high levels of heavy metal in the villagers' blood, and they alerted the authorities. Hitherto, the villagers and the politicians had concluded that the high infant mortality rate was due to malaria – and that it was an act of God. Of course, it was His will, and officials are wont to be ensconced in that truism.
But it does not remove the fact that a disaster of great magnitude has happened – and can recur. Zamfara, a state of about 2.5 million people, is like the rest of the northern states – backward in terms of social amenities, with a high rate of illiteracy. In this region poverty is a way of life and most mishaps, including the acquisition of illicit wealth by government officials, is said to be the will of God. High unemployment rate has pushed people to the edge of subsistence, forcing them to eke out a living from rudimentary sources, including raping the soil in search of precious stones. In many states, gold-digging is a lucrative venture, especially after the rainy season when farmers have stored or sold off their meagre harvests. Able-bodied men work their hands to the bone, digging the hard soil and rocky areas, threshing out the fine stones, which merchants from the cities buy.
But as the Zamfara case has proved, this source of earning a livelihood is also deadly. Large concentrations of lead are present in the soil excavated in the course of the gold search. They are inhaled from the crushed rock ore, drank from water or, in the case of infants, from breastfeeding mothers. Children, who experts say are more vulnerable to lead poisoning than adults, can also get infected from the fields where they play. Lead poisoning, even when it has not killed, can leave the victim in a permanent state of neurological disrepair.
Of course, the mining activities our people turned into a vocation are illegal. It beats one’s imagination why the authorities condone the crime while the stones are a veritable source of government revenue. Most states have ministries of mines. But local officials who are fully aware of the criminality of illegal mining turn a blind eye to it, smugly regarding it as the people’s way of life. They also know that it can be very dangerous. Consider that recently in the small village of Yargalma in Bukkuyum Local Government Area of Zamfara State, some abandoned mines exploded when some illegal miners climbed them, killing scores of people, most of them children between the ages of five and 10 years. Most children who hunt for gold are supposed to be in school. That incident was a precursor to the mass deaths, but it was obviously not enough warning to the powers-that-be.
We can summarise the sob story of the lead poisoning and deaths in Zamfara State into a few disturbing conclusions. One, the victims were common people who, impoverished by lack of responsible leadership, tried to fend for themselves in any possible way. Secondly, there was apathy on the part of local authorities and health officials who were aware of the frequent deaths, but simply shrugged. Thirdly, there was lack of technical expertise on the part of those whose duty it was to check the menace before it got out of hand. Without the initiative of foreign health bodies such as the MSF, more deaths would have occurred. And then when the epidemic was detected, government had to rely on international aid agencies such as Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), the World Health Organisation, the U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), and The Blacksmith Institute, a New York-based anti-pollution consultancy, to help clean up the mess.
Collaboration in such situations is important, but Nigeria needs to develop at least a detection mechanism in order to help minimise casualties. Billions have been spent in recent years in the area of health care, but you wonder where the money went, as nobody could tell why hundreds of Zamfara children were dying within weeks.
We must understand that disasters such as this one will continue to occur if nothing is done to avert them. Illegal mining is still rampant; even in Zamfara, the villagers say they will continue with their occupation as soon as the officials leave. They cannot think of alternative means of earning a livelihood. This means that many more people may die from lead poisoning in the coming months, especially with the advent of the rainy season. The state government must ensure that even if the mining activities will continue (so that youths in the area do not veer into cattle rustling or even robbery), it should be in such a way that safety is guaranteed. Officials should remain alert to their responsibilities. No kobo from the N240 million budgeted by the state government for the clean-up exercise last week should be diverted.
For the North, a lot needs to be done. There are many other violent phenomena that kill the poor en masse. Polio, a huge shame to northern leaders, is one. Sectarian violence is another. Coupled with general insecurity, poverty and unemployment, you’ve got tinderboxes waiting to explode, one at a time, all over the region. Who can stop that from happening? Your guess is as good as mine.
--
Published in LEADERSHIP
Saturday, 12 June 2010
Poverty will continue to visit havoc on our communities unless we wake up now. Many incidents in recent times have challenged our conscience on this startling reality. The frightening fact was further driven home by last week’s discovery that 163 people, mostly children, died in recent weeks from lead poisoning in Zamfara State. Henry Akpan, the Federal Ministry of Health’s chief epidemiologist, told The Irish Times that 355 people across six villages in the state had sustained lead poisoning, which would take up to a month to treat in those affected. The disaster took place in remote villages (Bukkuyum, Sunke, Dareta, Tungar Magaji) where poverty-stricken people tried to dig out gold and other precious stones from makeshift mines.
That the deaths occurred in the rural areas – far from the centres of power and wealth – shows that the catastrophe was not a natural one, and it affects only the poor. Those that design policy and those that benefit more from it are usually unaffected by such mishaps. This suggests that political leaders scarcely bother about what goes on in the interior. Had there been a close interface – or at best a responsible monitoring – the Zamfara disaster would have been averted or minimised. According to reports, the deaths kept happening for months, but health officials in the state had no idea why. The ‘elected’ representatives of the people were obviously too busy pursuing lucre in Gusau to know what was going on. It was only when a team from Medicins Sans Frontiers (Doctors Without Borders) was testing for meningitis in the area that they observed a near-absence of children in many villages, and they wondered why. They carried out tests that showed high levels of heavy metal in the villagers' blood, and they alerted the authorities. Hitherto, the villagers and the politicians had concluded that the high infant mortality rate was due to malaria – and that it was an act of God. Of course, it was His will, and officials are wont to be ensconced in that truism.
But it does not remove the fact that a disaster of great magnitude has happened – and can recur. Zamfara, a state of about 2.5 million people, is like the rest of the northern states – backward in terms of social amenities, with a high rate of illiteracy. In this region poverty is a way of life and most mishaps, including the acquisition of illicit wealth by government officials, is said to be the will of God. High unemployment rate has pushed people to the edge of subsistence, forcing them to eke out a living from rudimentary sources, including raping the soil in search of precious stones. In many states, gold-digging is a lucrative venture, especially after the rainy season when farmers have stored or sold off their meagre harvests. Able-bodied men work their hands to the bone, digging the hard soil and rocky areas, threshing out the fine stones, which merchants from the cities buy.
But as the Zamfara case has proved, this source of earning a livelihood is also deadly. Large concentrations of lead are present in the soil excavated in the course of the gold search. They are inhaled from the crushed rock ore, drank from water or, in the case of infants, from breastfeeding mothers. Children, who experts say are more vulnerable to lead poisoning than adults, can also get infected from the fields where they play. Lead poisoning, even when it has not killed, can leave the victim in a permanent state of neurological disrepair.
Of course, the mining activities our people turned into a vocation are illegal. It beats one’s imagination why the authorities condone the crime while the stones are a veritable source of government revenue. Most states have ministries of mines. But local officials who are fully aware of the criminality of illegal mining turn a blind eye to it, smugly regarding it as the people’s way of life. They also know that it can be very dangerous. Consider that recently in the small village of Yargalma in Bukkuyum Local Government Area of Zamfara State, some abandoned mines exploded when some illegal miners climbed them, killing scores of people, most of them children between the ages of five and 10 years. Most children who hunt for gold are supposed to be in school. That incident was a precursor to the mass deaths, but it was obviously not enough warning to the powers-that-be.
We can summarise the sob story of the lead poisoning and deaths in Zamfara State into a few disturbing conclusions. One, the victims were common people who, impoverished by lack of responsible leadership, tried to fend for themselves in any possible way. Secondly, there was apathy on the part of local authorities and health officials who were aware of the frequent deaths, but simply shrugged. Thirdly, there was lack of technical expertise on the part of those whose duty it was to check the menace before it got out of hand. Without the initiative of foreign health bodies such as the MSF, more deaths would have occurred. And then when the epidemic was detected, government had to rely on international aid agencies such as Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), the World Health Organisation, the U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), and The Blacksmith Institute, a New York-based anti-pollution consultancy, to help clean up the mess.
Collaboration in such situations is important, but Nigeria needs to develop at least a detection mechanism in order to help minimise casualties. Billions have been spent in recent years in the area of health care, but you wonder where the money went, as nobody could tell why hundreds of Zamfara children were dying within weeks.
We must understand that disasters such as this one will continue to occur if nothing is done to avert them. Illegal mining is still rampant; even in Zamfara, the villagers say they will continue with their occupation as soon as the officials leave. They cannot think of alternative means of earning a livelihood. This means that many more people may die from lead poisoning in the coming months, especially with the advent of the rainy season. The state government must ensure that even if the mining activities will continue (so that youths in the area do not veer into cattle rustling or even robbery), it should be in such a way that safety is guaranteed. Officials should remain alert to their responsibilities. No kobo from the N240 million budgeted by the state government for the clean-up exercise last week should be diverted.
For the North, a lot needs to be done. There are many other violent phenomena that kill the poor en masse. Polio, a huge shame to northern leaders, is one. Sectarian violence is another. Coupled with general insecurity, poverty and unemployment, you’ve got tinderboxes waiting to explode, one at a time, all over the region. Who can stop that from happening? Your guess is as good as mine.
--
Published in LEADERSHIP
Saturday, 12 June 2010
Friday, 11 June 2010
Court Orders Arrest Of Kano Chief Censor
Written by By Abdulrahman Tonga
LEADERSHIP
Thursday, 10 June 2010
The Kaduna State police command has been ordered by a judge to arrest the Director-General of the Kano State Censorship Board, Malam Abubakar Rabo Abdulkarim, for his failure to appear before it on two occasions.
The judge, Alhaji Nasiru Idris Lere of Magistrate Court 1 in Kaduna, gave the order for Rabo’s immediate arrest by the police.
Rabo was billed to appear in person in the court after five members of the Kaduna State Filmmakers Association sued him for criminal defamation.
He was reported to have claimed in a live television interview in Kaduna that Hausa moviemakers were now engaged in the production of pornographic films and that the people of Kaduna State should rise against them.
He reportedly claimed to have bought a copy of such pornographic movies in the Unguwar Sarki area of Kaduna metropolis.
When the case opened in court last week, the Kano chief censor failed to appear, citing ill-health. His counsel sought a postponement, a plea to which the filmmakers' counsel, A.S. Suleiman, did not object.
During yesterday’s hearing, counsel to Rabo, Mr. Gabriel Didam, told the court that his client could not appear in court in person as a result of insecurity in the state, adding that his client was also sick. He, however, apologized to the court on behalf of his client.
Counsel to the plaintiffs, Malam Sadau Garba, appealed to the court to issue a bench warrant against Rabo, pointing out that this was the second sitting in which he was not in the court. According to the lawyer, information reaching him was that the accused was determined never to come to the court.
“Justice has to be done,” he said. “The accused person had complained that he was sick, but no written document had been produced. And information reaching us is that the accused is bragging that he will never be present throughout the case and that nothing will happen. We therefore apply that this honorable court issue a arrest warrant to make him appear and take any alternative measures to bring him to the court”.
When ruling on the request, the judge said, “The accused person did not follow the proper way to channel his complaint to the court, a behaviour which may leave the other party to feel they are not treated equally.
“I will not believe him that there is insecurity in Kaduna. It’s an excuse by the accused person. And he has to tell us the names of those that thinks are after him so that court will stop them from coming to its premises.
“Since the inception of the case he has been complaining frequently, but the accused never did in the formal way. Under the section 153 of the CPC, the accused has to be in court. I am left with no option than to order his arrest under section 70 / 1A / B by the Commissioner of Police, Kaduna State.”
Hearing in the suit was adjourned till June 16, 2010.
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This is sequel to the story published on June 2
LEADERSHIP
Thursday, 10 June 2010
The Kaduna State police command has been ordered by a judge to arrest the Director-General of the Kano State Censorship Board, Malam Abubakar Rabo Abdulkarim, for his failure to appear before it on two occasions.
The judge, Alhaji Nasiru Idris Lere of Magistrate Court 1 in Kaduna, gave the order for Rabo’s immediate arrest by the police.
Rabo was billed to appear in person in the court after five members of the Kaduna State Filmmakers Association sued him for criminal defamation.
He was reported to have claimed in a live television interview in Kaduna that Hausa moviemakers were now engaged in the production of pornographic films and that the people of Kaduna State should rise against them.
He reportedly claimed to have bought a copy of such pornographic movies in the Unguwar Sarki area of Kaduna metropolis.
When the case opened in court last week, the Kano chief censor failed to appear, citing ill-health. His counsel sought a postponement, a plea to which the filmmakers' counsel, A.S. Suleiman, did not object.
During yesterday’s hearing, counsel to Rabo, Mr. Gabriel Didam, told the court that his client could not appear in court in person as a result of insecurity in the state, adding that his client was also sick. He, however, apologized to the court on behalf of his client.
Counsel to the plaintiffs, Malam Sadau Garba, appealed to the court to issue a bench warrant against Rabo, pointing out that this was the second sitting in which he was not in the court. According to the lawyer, information reaching him was that the accused was determined never to come to the court.
“Justice has to be done,” he said. “The accused person had complained that he was sick, but no written document had been produced. And information reaching us is that the accused is bragging that he will never be present throughout the case and that nothing will happen. We therefore apply that this honorable court issue a arrest warrant to make him appear and take any alternative measures to bring him to the court”.
When ruling on the request, the judge said, “The accused person did not follow the proper way to channel his complaint to the court, a behaviour which may leave the other party to feel they are not treated equally.
“I will not believe him that there is insecurity in Kaduna. It’s an excuse by the accused person. And he has to tell us the names of those that thinks are after him so that court will stop them from coming to its premises.
“Since the inception of the case he has been complaining frequently, but the accused never did in the formal way. Under the section 153 of the CPC, the accused has to be in court. I am left with no option than to order his arrest under section 70 / 1A / B by the Commissioner of Police, Kaduna State.”
Hearing in the suit was adjourned till June 16, 2010.
-----
This is sequel to the story published on June 2
Tuesday, 8 June 2010
Al-Mustapha: Ending It All
Written by Ibrahim Sheme
Published in LEADERSHIP
Saturday, 05 June 2010
The story of the detention in prison of Major Hamza Al-Mustapha and others is one of the most intriguing political sagas in modern-day Nigeria. Al-Mustapha, the Chief Security Officer to former Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha; former Lagos State Commissioner of Police, Mr. James Danbaba; former head of the Police Unit in the Presidential Villa during the Abacha regime, Chief Superintendent of Police Mohammed Rabo Lawal, and former Military Administrator of Zamfara State, Col. Jibrin Bala Yakubu, have been stewing in Kirikiri prison in Lagos for 12 years over their alleged role in the murder of Kudirat Abiola and the attempted murder of the publisher of The Guardian, Mr. Alex Ibru, and the former Delta State Director of Sports, Mr. Isaac Porbeni. Their cases have been ensconced within Lagos courts, stuttering to nowhere.
While the accused men languish in jail, their beloved ones wait anxiously for the day that they might hug them. To many, that day will never come. Al-Mustapha’s father died three years ago and Danbaba’s daughter Josephine – who used to take diabetic drugs to him in prison – died last year. Last week, Al-Mustapha’s aged mother returned from Saudi Arabia, where she was diagnosed with a heart ailment. At an annual prayer session on her return to commemorate the death of Al-Mustapha’s father, the detained major’s brother Hadi expressed trepidation about the old lady dying without seeing her favourite son again.
Meanwhile, blames are being traded over who is responsible for this messy situation. We have heard tales from various quarters. Al-Mustapha himself blamed former Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, for his ordeal. Only two days ago, on the VOA Hausa service, Alhaji Mustapha Jokolo, the deposed Emir of Gwandu, accused the National Security Adviser, Gen. Aliyu Mohammed Gusau (rtd), of being responsible for Al-Mustapha’s continued detention, alleging that he it was that advised the then President Obasanjo against releasing him, citing security concerns. Now, Jokolo’s may have been a case of sour grapes following his removal as emir, but his story has, nonetheless, highlighted the political dimension of the case, which is the attempt by some top Northerners, including the Emir of Kano, to secure the release of the detained men.
The question whether Al-Mustapaha and co are guilty is obviously quite immaterial to most Nigerians. What most people believe is that politics, rather than judicial considerations, informs the detention. And the moral burden falls on all Nigerians of conscience to canvass for the release of the former security men.
My concern is both with the moral and the judicial sides of this case. The continued incarceration of these unfortunate men no longer makes moral, strategic and, above all, judicial sense. Twelve years is too long for detention without conviction. If guilt has not been established against them all this while, then there is simply no basis for their continued detention.
The question is how to get them off the hook.
Clearly, we cannot divorce politics from this pitiful saga. The accused persons have argued, ever since we began to get their side of the story during the Oputa panel hearings, that they were being persecuted because of their work as security men during the Abacha regime. They said certain highly connected Nigerians of, ironically, northern origin had decided to “teach them a lesson” because of some misdemeanours, such as denying them easy access to the head of state or some forms of disrespect. The big men were said to have sworn to extract their pound of flesh from the security goons and were glad to have found an opportunity in the Ibru case. The detainees also argued that the lurid tales we heard from prosecution witnesses were all cooked up in order to nail them.
Another story was that Obasanjo sat on the case because he was jailed by Abacha and that Yar’Adua was disinterested in it because of his brother Shehu’s death in prison during the Abacha era. Now, what stops President Jonathan from doing something about the case? The long tale of Al-Mustapha and co’s incarceration should be ended by the authorities.
The political dimension of this saga presupposes that many people, especially in the North, view the matter as one in which the region as an entity has failed. There is a widespread belief that northern laxity and hypocrisy are fertilising the issue. The North must recognise the fact that if Al-Mustapha and co were Southerners, the region’s elites would have used their political clout to ensure that their brethren were removed from the clutches of detention.
They did it many times. Ralph Uwazuruike, leader of the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), a secessionist organisation listed by the Federal Government as a terrorist organisation, did not recognise the Nigerian state. He fought it with arms. But he was released after a heated campaign by his Igbo and other fellow Southerners led to the quick dispensation of the case in court. Ganiyu Adams, factional leader of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC), a militant Yoruba nationalist organisation, launched a violent campaign against “Hausa-Fulani” in the South-west, leading to the massacre of scores of “Hausa-looking” Northerners. But he was released from detention after his court case was exhausted. Today, he is one of the “respected statesmen” of that region. So revered he is that the governor of Kano State, more of whose citizens were killed in the OPC’s bloody campaign, invited him to Kano recently to commission some projects.
However, while the political dimension is explored, more should be done on the judicial front. The judicial gladiators in the saga should be made to speedily conclude the trial. Lawyers who obtain injunctions on preliminary objections while failing to battle the substantive suit (thereby hanging the case in months-long adjournments) are not doing justice to the detainees that hired them. For it is plausible that the delay in dispensing justice in this case has created a vicious circle in which only the detainees and their families pay dearly for it.
Isn’t there a chance of plea bargaining in the case as a way of ending it all? Northern leaders in particular must come out of their cocoon and campaign for the release of these men, using political and judicial instruments. Trading blames is tantamount to playing with the lives of these unfortunate men.
Al-Mustapha and co should not suffer the fate of the suspects in the murder of Pa Alfred Rewane. Five out of the eight persons who stood trial for their alleged role in the 1995 murder of the NADECO chieftain have died in prison custody under mysterious circumstances. On Wednesday this week, a Lagos High Court acquitted one of the surviving accused persons after he had spent 15 years in Kirikiri.
Both the Jonathan administration and the Lagos State government can enter a no-submission plea in the Al-Mustapha and co’s cases. Most of these men are ill, suffering from one ailment or the other. If they die in prison, the ghosts of the incarcerated would not let many of our leaders sleep in peace. Amen.
Wednesday, 2 June 2010
Defamation: Hausa Filmmakers Sue Kano Censors Board Chief
Written by Abdulrahman Tonga, Kaduna
LEADERSHIP
Tuesday, 01 June 2010 19:14
Members of the Kaduna State Filmmakers Association yesterday dragged the Director-General of Kano State Censorship Board, Malam Abubakar Rabo Abdulkareem, to a magistrate court in Kaduna over alleged criminal defamation of character and inciting the public to violence.
In a complaint charge filed before Chief Magistrate Nasiru Idris Lere of Magistrate Court 1, Ibrahim Taiwo Road, Kaduna, six filmmakers argued that a television interview granted by Rabo to the DITV station in Kaduna a fortnight ago had ridiculed their image and lowered their reputation in the eyes of the public.
Rabo was quoted to have told the TV station in a live broadcast that Hausa moviemakers were now engaged in the production of pornographic films and that the people of Kaduna State should rise against them.
He reportedly claimed to have bought a copy of such pornographic movies in Unguwar Sarki area of Kaduna metropolis.
Describing the censorship board chief's assertion as false, the plaintiffs said such statement was capable of inciting violence in the state.
“His statement that people should rise against us has made our members to live in constant apprehension for fear of being attacked by the public,” they said.
Rabo’s allegation was contrary to sections 392 and 114 of the penal code, they added.
The complainants consist of executive committee members of the Kaduna filmmakers association. They are: Ashiru Sani Bazanga, Rabi’u Mohammed Rikadawa, Aliyu Abdullahi Gora II, Sulaiman Sha’ani, Aminu Musa Carlos, and Jamilu Adamu.
LEADERSHIP learnt that the court summons, which was endorsed by a magistrate in Kaduna, was received by Rabo yesterday in his office situated within the Kano State-owned City Television in Hotoro, Kano.
The hearing comes up tomorrow in Kaduna.
Relations between the Kano State Censorship Board and Hausa filmmakers has been frosty since Rabo’s appointment by Governor Ibrahim Shekarau in 2007 following the Hiyana scandal.
Many artistes and producers were either jailed or heavily fined for one offence or the other by the censors board’s mobile court in Kano.
Rabo was sued by the Kano State Filmmakers Association last year over comments he made against them in a radio interview, but the case did not go far, with the filmmakers alleging that it was frustrated in the courts by the state government.
Sunday, 30 May 2010
Where is the Democracy?
Democracy Day is today, May 29. When the then President Olusegun Obasanjo created the day, there was euphoria in the air. Nigerians were glad to have civil rule in place. Quite understandably, expectations were high. After a long continuum of military rule, they hoped to have a say in who governed them - and how. With the people's representatives in executive positions and in the various parliaments, they looked forward to a better society, a better life. So Obasanjo's order that May 29 should be commemorated every year as the day on which Nigerians should ruminate solemnly on the civil governance couldn't have been faulted.
Ten years down the line, however, the question that arises is whether we have had our hope, our aspiration, our expectations realised. Your guess is as good as mine. A few days ago, the government advised us to mark this milestone in quietude and not to shout it on the rooftops. The government's spokesman added, probably for those who wish to exercise their democratic right in any extent possible, that if you still wish to scream about this day, you may well do so. It is your constitutional right. But he did not give reason why the "celebration" should be low-key. Yes, the nation has lost its leader recently. For many, the mourning is still ongoing, and for many others it is forever. But that is not the real reason for the government's saying that Democracy Day should be witnessed with a solemn restraint. There is really nothing to celebrate.
In answering the question whether we have harvested our dreams of democracy, we should begin by asking ourselves the purpose of democracy. For me, the whole purpose of democracy is that leaders should deliver on the promises they made when they begged us for votes. We did not give them power so that they could become more comfortable through lining their pockets or buying landed property. They are there in order to make us more comfortable.
But the reverse is the case in this country. As poverty and want increase manifold among the mass of the people, those in executive positions and in the parliaments become increasingly more comfortable. There is not much to show in terms of improvement in the life of the common man. The state of infrastructure in the country is appalling in spite of the mouth-watering contracts governments at local, state and federal levels dish out all the time. Unemployment has become the byword for school graduation. Health facilities are nearly absent as public hospitals continue to play their old role of consulting clinics. Any Nigerian who wants qualitative medical care has to seek it abroad. But how many Nigerians have the wherewithal to embark on medical tourism in Egypt, India, Europe or the United States?
Insecurity has more than doubled since 1999. Thousands of Nigerians have died in the hands of brigands and assassins, as well as in sectarian violence. Electricity supply is still a far cry from the promised goal. Promises made by our leaders to tackle other issues requisite for qualitative living - food, education, good roads, housing, human rights, etc. - are yet to be delivered. Why? Because the leaders would rather make themselves more comfortable than discharge their responsibilities to the electorate. Just this week a debate broke out over an alleged attempt by members of the House of Representatives to have their quarterly allowances upped from N27.2 million to N42 million each. Though the increase would have been illegal, one wouldn't be surprised if the idea was mooted by the honourables in order to test its acceptability by the public. A House that is yet to prove its positive impact on the lives of the people that made it possible for each member to be there is more interested, as many instances in the past showed, in mining more funds for personal aggrandisement. In Nigeria, nothing is impossible.
Up there in the executive rooms, the story is quite similar. Their excellencies have immersed themselves in the task of playing the power game. Consequently, the fabled 7-Point Agenda has remained a mirage, a refrain that political appointees chant anytime they have an opportunity to do so, which is all the time. The game of power, which involves playing the chess of who becomes what, where and how, appears to have more attraction to the leaders. Playing this game has ensured that not a single item on the 7-Point Agenda has been achieved in three years. Even the one that some apologists cited in the wake of President Yar'Adua's death, i.e., amnesty for militants in the Niger Delta, is neither here nor there. What Yar'Adua promised on his agenda was not an amnesty but a frontal solution to the problems of the oil-producing region, which included the environmental impacts of oil exploration and improvement in the life of the Niger Deltans. Nothing of the sort has been done. Exploration and pollution, which are twinned in the hapless region, continue unabated.
What we are seeing is the politics of appeasement for criminal elements who took arms against their fatherland. As long as the boys are kept quiet through the monetary inducement called rehabilitation, the main problems would subsist. At the end of the day, the gargantuan failure of 7-Point Agenda in relation to the Niger Delta would manifest in renewed militancy, kidnapping, robbery and other atrocities.
President Goodluck Jonathan has the onerous task of redeeming the image of the Yar'Adua/Jonathan regime. Sticking to the 7-Point Agenda as initiated in 2007 is a bad idea that should be jettisoned immediately. A piece of advice given by Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi last year, on the verge of his appointment as governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, should be revisited with all seriousness. What Sanusi said was that the government had better concentrate on just two or three points of the agenda. Seven points were unwieldy, he argued.
Recently, I was in a forum where a top federal government official said that the then Acting President Jonathan had elected to address just three problems bedevilling the nation: the Niger Delta question, power and security. It was a few weeks before Yar'Adua died. With the demise of Yar'Adua, Jonathan, with a bigger mandate as president, has an opportunity to commit himself to those three items. Disappointingly, however, on Wednesday this week the Federal Executive Council came up with the funny disclaimer that it was going to do away with the 7-Point Agenda. We should, therefore, expect to see no change in government policy in the next one year. Our ears are going to continue to receive the annoying cacophony of the unwieldy agenda that has since become a quasi religion under Yar'Adua and Jonathan. Remember that it is the failure of this agenda that questions the faith of Nigerians in the ability of government to deliver the dividends of democracy. And remember that Jonathan has "not enough time," as his defenders now tell us, to do much before the general elections. As such, it is quite plausible that the gains of democracy will continue to elude us, just as we are required to observe Democracy Day year after year.
* Published on the back page of LEADERSHIP, on Saturday, May 29, 2010
Ten years down the line, however, the question that arises is whether we have had our hope, our aspiration, our expectations realised. Your guess is as good as mine. A few days ago, the government advised us to mark this milestone in quietude and not to shout it on the rooftops. The government's spokesman added, probably for those who wish to exercise their democratic right in any extent possible, that if you still wish to scream about this day, you may well do so. It is your constitutional right. But he did not give reason why the "celebration" should be low-key. Yes, the nation has lost its leader recently. For many, the mourning is still ongoing, and for many others it is forever. But that is not the real reason for the government's saying that Democracy Day should be witnessed with a solemn restraint. There is really nothing to celebrate.
In answering the question whether we have harvested our dreams of democracy, we should begin by asking ourselves the purpose of democracy. For me, the whole purpose of democracy is that leaders should deliver on the promises they made when they begged us for votes. We did not give them power so that they could become more comfortable through lining their pockets or buying landed property. They are there in order to make us more comfortable.
But the reverse is the case in this country. As poverty and want increase manifold among the mass of the people, those in executive positions and in the parliaments become increasingly more comfortable. There is not much to show in terms of improvement in the life of the common man. The state of infrastructure in the country is appalling in spite of the mouth-watering contracts governments at local, state and federal levels dish out all the time. Unemployment has become the byword for school graduation. Health facilities are nearly absent as public hospitals continue to play their old role of consulting clinics. Any Nigerian who wants qualitative medical care has to seek it abroad. But how many Nigerians have the wherewithal to embark on medical tourism in Egypt, India, Europe or the United States?
Insecurity has more than doubled since 1999. Thousands of Nigerians have died in the hands of brigands and assassins, as well as in sectarian violence. Electricity supply is still a far cry from the promised goal. Promises made by our leaders to tackle other issues requisite for qualitative living - food, education, good roads, housing, human rights, etc. - are yet to be delivered. Why? Because the leaders would rather make themselves more comfortable than discharge their responsibilities to the electorate. Just this week a debate broke out over an alleged attempt by members of the House of Representatives to have their quarterly allowances upped from N27.2 million to N42 million each. Though the increase would have been illegal, one wouldn't be surprised if the idea was mooted by the honourables in order to test its acceptability by the public. A House that is yet to prove its positive impact on the lives of the people that made it possible for each member to be there is more interested, as many instances in the past showed, in mining more funds for personal aggrandisement. In Nigeria, nothing is impossible.
Up there in the executive rooms, the story is quite similar. Their excellencies have immersed themselves in the task of playing the power game. Consequently, the fabled 7-Point Agenda has remained a mirage, a refrain that political appointees chant anytime they have an opportunity to do so, which is all the time. The game of power, which involves playing the chess of who becomes what, where and how, appears to have more attraction to the leaders. Playing this game has ensured that not a single item on the 7-Point Agenda has been achieved in three years. Even the one that some apologists cited in the wake of President Yar'Adua's death, i.e., amnesty for militants in the Niger Delta, is neither here nor there. What Yar'Adua promised on his agenda was not an amnesty but a frontal solution to the problems of the oil-producing region, which included the environmental impacts of oil exploration and improvement in the life of the Niger Deltans. Nothing of the sort has been done. Exploration and pollution, which are twinned in the hapless region, continue unabated.
What we are seeing is the politics of appeasement for criminal elements who took arms against their fatherland. As long as the boys are kept quiet through the monetary inducement called rehabilitation, the main problems would subsist. At the end of the day, the gargantuan failure of 7-Point Agenda in relation to the Niger Delta would manifest in renewed militancy, kidnapping, robbery and other atrocities.
President Goodluck Jonathan has the onerous task of redeeming the image of the Yar'Adua/Jonathan regime. Sticking to the 7-Point Agenda as initiated in 2007 is a bad idea that should be jettisoned immediately. A piece of advice given by Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi last year, on the verge of his appointment as governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, should be revisited with all seriousness. What Sanusi said was that the government had better concentrate on just two or three points of the agenda. Seven points were unwieldy, he argued.
Recently, I was in a forum where a top federal government official said that the then Acting President Jonathan had elected to address just three problems bedevilling the nation: the Niger Delta question, power and security. It was a few weeks before Yar'Adua died. With the demise of Yar'Adua, Jonathan, with a bigger mandate as president, has an opportunity to commit himself to those three items. Disappointingly, however, on Wednesday this week the Federal Executive Council came up with the funny disclaimer that it was going to do away with the 7-Point Agenda. We should, therefore, expect to see no change in government policy in the next one year. Our ears are going to continue to receive the annoying cacophony of the unwieldy agenda that has since become a quasi religion under Yar'Adua and Jonathan. Remember that it is the failure of this agenda that questions the faith of Nigerians in the ability of government to deliver the dividends of democracy. And remember that Jonathan has "not enough time," as his defenders now tell us, to do much before the general elections. As such, it is quite plausible that the gains of democracy will continue to elude us, just as we are required to observe Democracy Day year after year.
* Published on the back page of LEADERSHIP, on Saturday, May 29, 2010
Sunday, 23 May 2010
Hausa da Hausanci a Karni na 21 – Kalubale da Madosa
Daga Abdalla Uba Adamu (auadamu@gmail. com)
Chairman, Center for Hausa Cultural Studies, Kano
Being a paper presented at one-day sensitization meeting of Hausa Motion Arts Stakeholders on Wakilcin Al’adu da Addini a Finafinan Hausa, held on Saturday 2nd April 2005 at the Murtala Muhammad Library, and organized by the Directorate of A Daidata Sahu, Kano
Gabatarwa
A duk fadin kasar nan, babu al’ummar da ta fi ta Hausawa samun kalubale a kan salsalarta da rayuwarta. Ba wani abu ne ya janyo haka ba illa albarkar da Allah Ya yi wa Hausa da Hausanci, ya zamanto ko kaka mutum wanda ba Bahaushe ne ba ya yi gogayya da Hausawa, ya iya Hausa, to shi kam zai dauki kansa ne a matsayin Bahaushe. Wannan ya saba da yadda shi Bahaushen ya kan dauki kansa, domin komai jimawar da ya yi a wani wuri, to shi har abada a matsayin Bahaushe zai dauki kansa, ba dan mazauna wurin ba. Abin da ya janyo haka kuwa shine ganin yadda kasar Hausa ta zama dadaddiyar cibiyar ciniki tsakanin bakaken fatan Afrika na Sudan da kuma Larabawa, wanda ya sa kasar Hausa ta zama wajen zaman mutane da kabilu da yawa domin cinikayya. Su kansu Hausawan ba mazauna waje daya bane; daga Kano zuwa Gwanja, zuwa Salo da Kamaru da Kwango, duk babu inda Hausawa basu ratsa sun kafa sansani ba. Amma tushen su kasar Hausa domin nan suke dawowa, komai dogon zangon su. A dawowar ne suka dawowa da sababban abubuwa na dabi’u da tadodin al’ummatan da suka hadu da su, suke narkar da wadannan su zama nasu, har ma ta kai a dinga kokwanton ko a kwai Bahaushe na asali.
Sannan kuma Hausa (yaren), Hausawa (masu yaren) da kuma Hausanci (akidar masu yaren) sun samu wani babban kalubale a wannan karni na 21 da muka shigo, ba don komai ba sai don ganin yadda igiyar sauyin halayen al’umma suka shafi gundarin rayuwar Bahaushe. Wannan igiyar kuwa ta taho ne da hanyoyin sadarwa na zamani wanda sukan kawo mana salo da yanayin rayuwar wadansu al’ummatai na duniya wadanda wani lokaci muka ga kamar akwai kamanceceniya a salon rayuwarsu da namu. A kokarin kwaikwayon wadannan al’ummatan ne ake samun babban kalubale a rayuwar Bahause ta zamani ta hanyar finafinai, domin wannan ita ce babbar hanyar da ake haskaka rayuwar al’ummatai kuma a`ke wakiltarsu.
Bugu da kari, nazarin Hausanci sai ya bambanata da nazarin rayuwar al’ummatai (Anthropology) ta yadda kusan kullum an fi karkata ga yaren Bahaushe, maimakon sauran fannonin na rayuwarsa. Sannan kuma ko a nazarin zamantakewarsa, an fi damuwa da haihuwa, rayuwa, mutuwa da bukukuwansa, watau tadodinsa, amma ba akidarsa, watau al’adarsa ba.
A wannan jagoran bayanin, zan yi kokarin in fayyace salsalar Bahaushe da kuma fito da gundarin akidarsa domin fahimtar yadda Bahause yake, da kuma yadda yakamata a wakilce shi ta kowacce hanya in ana son a yi masa adalci.
Bahaushe, Daga Ina Haka?
Babban abin da za a fara tambaya a nan shine, wai shin wanene Bahaushe? Wannan tambayar tana da ban mamaki domin ganin cewa babu wata kabila da ake tantamar salsalarta a Nijeriya. Misali, idan aka ce Yarabawa, an san wadanda a ke nufi. Amma da zarar ka ce Hausawa, sai a fara musu domin ana ganin yawan gaurayar al’ummatai, da kuma iya yaren Hausa na mutane da yawa ya sa bama za a iya cewa ga Bahaushe ba. Wannan tunani ya karfafu a bisa nazarin wani mai nazarin Harshe da ake kira Joseph Greenberg, wanda ya rasu a Amirka ranar 7 ga Mayu, 2001 yana dan shekara 85. A turbar nazarin da ya gina, Greenberg ya jagoranci ra’ayin cewa babu wata kabila Hausawa, domin su kansu Hausawan, a wajensu kalmar “Hausa” tana nufin yare – misali zaka ji mutum ya ce “bana jin Hausar wancan mutumin” – watau a nan, Hausa yare ce kenan.
Sannan kuma kusan kowannen Bahaushe zaka ji ya ce da kai ai shi ainihin iyayensa Fulani ne, Buzayene, Barebari ne, da dai sauransu. Amma kuma in ka tambaye shi ko yana jin wancan yaren na wadannan mutanen, sai ya ce da kai baya ji. Wannan shi ke dada dagula Hausa da Hausanci, a rasa ma wai shin wanene Bahaushen.
A wani hasashen an danganta samun kabilar Hausawa da auratayyar al’ummatai daga Afrika ta Arewa inda zaunannun wadannan wurare suka gauraya da buzaye, sannan aka samu Hausawa. Wannan kuwa ya faru ne a tsakanin 1050 da 1100.[1] Amma kuma wani manzarcin ya kalubalanci wannan hasahen inda ya ce babu wata tabbatacciyar hujja da ta nuna samun Hausawa bisa wannan auratayyar al’ummatan. A ganin wannan manazarcin, in an ce “Kasar Hausa” to ana nufin yankin da ake magana da yaren “Hausa”, ba wai wata kabila ba.[2] Sauran ra’ayin manazarta suma sun ginu ne a kan wannan ra’ayin. Ta haka, misali, Niven ya ce kalmar “Hausa” asalinta ta Buzaye ce, domin da wannan sunan suke kiran duk wanda ya fito daga arewancin kogin Kwara.[3] A wannan nazarin, Hausa kalma ce wadda Buzaye ke kiran duk bakar fatar da ke inda Larabawa ke kira Sudan . Abin mamaki, ita wannan kalmar ma tana nufin mutanen Abyssinia, watau Habasha, wanda wannan ya kawo hasashen cewa Hausawa daga Habasha suke; yanzu kam mun gane cewa kiran Hausawa da Hausa, da kuma kiran Habashawa da Hausa, duk aikin Buzaye ne.[4] Sannan kuma yin amfani da kalmar ma kaskanci ne na wariyar launin fatan da Buzaye ke yi wa duk wani baKi. Misali, tunda Hausa tana nufin Bahaushe da kuma Bahabashe, sai a ka samu wata danganta ta yadda a harshen Habashanci, “habshi” na nufin haushin kare. Saboda haka a wajen Buzayen wancan lokacin, duk wanda ke magana da wadannan yarurrikan to Bahabshi ko Bahaushe ne.[5] A takaice dai an daidata furucin Hausa da haushin kare, wanda kuma su Hausawa suna yin haka ga wadansu kabilun inda in mutum baya jin Hausa, sai su ce, “bagware ne”.
Skinner kuwa cewa yayi kalmar “Hausa” ta fito daga mutanen Songhai (inda Mali take yanzu) ne, domin sune suke kiran duk kauyukan da ke gabas da su hausa ko aussa, daga nan ne su “Hausawan” suka ari wannan kalmar suke kiran kansu da ita[6] – watau kafin wannan basu da wani suna da suke kiran kansu!
Sannan kuma manzartan tarihin kasashen Larabawa sun ziyarci kasar Hausa amma duk a rubutunsu, basu ambaci kalmar “Hausa ba” a matsayi sunan kabilun da suka hadu da su. Marubuta kamar su Leo Africanus wanda ya ziyarci kasar Hausa wajen karni daga 1513 zuwa 1515, bai ambaci mutanen da sunan Hausawa ba, sai dai ya ce “Mutanen Kano ”, “Mutanen Katsina”, da sauransu. Yarensu kuma sai ya ce suna magana da yaren “Mutanen Gobir”.
Wannan ya nuna cewa jimlar kalmar “Hausa” a matsayin nuni ga wata kabila sabon abu ne wanda bai wuce shekaru 400 ba. Amma kuma akwai daulolin Hausawa da masarautun Hausawa da ake magana da harshen Hausa fiye da shekaru 1000 da suka wuce. Idan haka ne, ashe Hausanci ba a yaren ya tsaya ba, akwai kabila wacce take da salsala. Makala suna “Hausawa” a matayin masu magana da yaren “Hausa” abu ne wanda wadansu suka yi wa Hausawan, amma basu Hausawan da kansu ba, kamar yadda Hausawa ke cewa da kabilar Igbo, “Inyamurai”, wanda kuma ba haka su Igbo suka kiran kansu ba.
Saboda haka ko da lokacin da Leo Africanus ya zo Kano , daular Kano ta yi fiye da shekaru 500 da kafuwa, kuma da Hausa ake tafiyar da ita. Ashe Hausanci ba yare ne ba, akwai kabila Hausa. A nan nafi karkata ga Muhammad Sani Ibrahim inda ya ce, Hausa suna ne da yake da ma’anar Harshe, da mutanen da suke magana da shi, da kuma kasar da ake magana da shi.[7]
Saboda haka sai mu koma tambayar farko, shin wanene Bahaushe? Amsar a nan ita ce duk wanda salsalarsa babu wani yaren iyaye sai Hausa, to shi ne Bahaushe. Idan a jerin iyaye da kakanni akwai wanda ba Bahaushe bane, to kai ma ba Bahaushe bane. Na aro wannan ma’aunin bisa cewa Hausanci kirar halitta ce, ba lafazi ba. Misali, a kasar Turawa, in a cikin iyaye da kakanninka akwai bakar fata, to ko kafi madara fari a matsayin bakar fata kake.
A wannan ma’aunin, babu maganar zama a wata al’umma da kuma sanin yarenta, domin ka zama dan wannan al’ummar (a nan, kabilar). Misali, duk iya larabcin bakar fatan da ya zauna a garin Maka, ba za a taba kiransa Balarabe ba, ba wai kawai don akwai banbancin tsakakin fatar Balarabe na aihini da bakar fata, ba, a’a, kawai ba Balarabe bane, kuma shi ma ya san haka. Haka duk iya Turancin bakar fata a Ingila ba za kira shi Ingilishi ba, sai dai dan kasar Ingila, domin Ingilishi (English) kabilace a Ingila tare da Sikotawa (Scottish), Irishawa (Irish) da kuma Welshawa (Welsh), kuma duk wadannan Turawa ne, farar fata; babu baki a cikinsu. Su kansu a Ingila din, zaka ji mutum na alfahari da kabilarsa – misali, duk da cewa shi fari ne, amma zai ce maka shi Ba’Irishe ne, ba Ingilishi ba. Saboda haka kamar Hausa, in ka ce English to ana nufin yaren da kuma Kabilar. Ta haka za a bambanta cewa “wannan mutumin British ne, amma fa dan kabilar Welshawa ne”
Bari in dawo gida. Idan, misali wani Bayarabe da matarsa suka bar kasar Yarabawa fiye da shekaru 100 da suka wuce, suka yada zango a wata unguwa a Kano suka yi zuri’a, to komai nisan zuri’ar da wadannan iyayen zuri’a, duk a Yarabawa suke. Halin zamantakewar su zai iya sa wadanda aka haifa daga baya basu ma san yaren iyayen nasu na asali ba, sai Hausa. Duk da haka, Yarabawa ne, domin salsalarsu ce. Idan dole sai an dangantasu da Hausa, to a iya kiransu abin da na kirkiro da Hausawan Zamantakewa. Amma ba Hausawa bane, domin Hausa ta wuce yare, kabila ce, tare da al’adunta na musamman, da kuma dabi’o’inta. Mutum zai iya rungumar wadannan domin ya zama Bahaushen Zamantakewa, amma ba zai zama Bahaushe ba, kamar yadda mutum zai iya karbar rayuwar Larabawa domin ya zama dan, misali, Dubai , amma ba zai taba zama Balarabe ba in ba shi ba ne.
Idan iyayen salsar sun ki su koyawa zuri’ar su yaren su domin suna son su bace su zama Hausawa (ko kuma mazaunan inda suka sami kansu), wannan ruwansu, amma wannan ba zai kankare musu Yarabancin ba. Mu danganta da cewa komai dadewar Bahaushe a Shagamu, ba zai taba tsammanin shi Bayarabe ne ba. Ta haka za a ga Hausawan Kamaru da Gana da Kwango, misali, wadansu basa jin Hausar sosai, ko kuma suna yin Hausar wata iri, amma kowanne daga cikinsu zai danganta salsalarsa da wani gari a kasar Hausa.
Wannan yana daga cikin ban mamakin albarkar da Allah ya yi wa Hausa da Hausawa – kullum wadanda ba Hausawa sai so suke a dauke su a matsayin Hausawa, duk da cewa suna da tasu kabilar – da akidodin – wacce ya kamata su daukaka.
Dabi’a, Tada (Gargajiya) da kuma Al’adar Bahaushe
Tari da yawa in an yi maganar “al’adar Bahaushe” ana maganar dabi’u da tadar Bahaushe ne. Babban abin da ke kawo wannan muhawar shine ganin yadda kusan duk nazarin da ake yi wa Hausawa, ana yi ne daga turbar harshe, ba daga turbar mu’amala da tarbiyya ba. Wannan ya saba da yadda manazartar rayuwar al’umma ke nazarin sauran al’ummatan. Kuma kasancewa masu nazarin Hausawa na farko-farko sun yi daga wannan kusurwar ta nazarin harshe, sai aka ci gaba da wannan turbar. Ina mai fatan bude wata hanyar nazarin rayuwar Bahause a bisa alkiblar nazarin rayuwar dan Adam ba kawai ta harshe ba.
Hanya ta farko ta barin waccan kusurwar nazarin ita ce bambanta dabi’ar Hausawa, tada (ko gargajiyar) Hausawa, da kuma al’adar Hausawa. Wadannan rukunayen rayuwa dole a bambantasu kamar yadda masu nazarin salsalar al’umma (Anthropologists) suke yi wa sauran al’ummatan. Domin a samu kyakkyawar fahimta, dabi’a dai ita ce, social behavior; tada ko gargajiya kuma, customs and traditions; sannan al’ada kuma mores and midsets.
A bisa wannan ma’unin, dabi’a tana nufin yanayin zaman mutum, tada da gargajiya kuma na nufin yanayin da aka gada kaka da kakanni, wanda zai iya bambanta da yanayin zaman mutum a yanzu, ko kuma halin da mutum ya samu kansa. Al’ada kuma tana nufin sinadarin mu’amalar mutum, ko kuma tarbiyyarsa. Al’ada a gaba take da dabi’a, kuma zata iya jagoranta. Idan an ce mutum ba shi da al’ada mai kyau, ana nufin bashi da tarbiyya mai kyau, domin al’adar ko tarbiyyar sune suke gina shi a kan fasalin mutumin kirki, ko kuma “dan asali”.
Za a iya aron dabi’a da ma gargajiya, amma ba za a iya aron al’ada ba, domin ita al’ada tana tattare da ruhin mai ita; bayan dabi’a kuwa ta kan canza bisa yadda yanayin zama yakama; kai har ma aron ta ake yi, amma ba za a taba aron al’ada ba. Saboda haka za iya aron abubuwan sarrafa dabi’a, a gyarasu, a canza su, in kuma an gaji da su a zubar da su. Amma ba a aron al’ada domin ita al’ada tana like ne da ruhin mai ita a matsayin sinadari.
A duk inda ake nazarin zamantakewar Bahaushe, dole sai ka ji ana ta cakuda wadanan rukunayen zaman mutum -- dabi’a, tada, da kuma al’ada. Wani lokaci in an ce al’ada, to ana nufin dabi’a; sannan kuma in an yi maganar dabi’a, saka ji lallai ba al’ada ake magana ba, ana maganar tada ne. Ya zama wajibi a bambanta kowanne da kawo bayanai da hujjoji domin su tallafawa bayanin.
Dabi’a da Zamanancin Bahaushe
Duk da na ganin kamar Bahaushe bagidaje ne, bana jin akwai kabilar da ta fi Bahaushe rungumar zamanin da ya sami kansa. Wannan ba zai zama abin mamaki ba domin kasar Hausa dadaddiyar matattara al’ummatai ce. Su kansu Hausawan ba mazauna ne ba, akwai su da yaron kasuwanci da fatauci. Ta haka sukan ci karo da abubuwa baki da yawa, daga yare da are-aren kalmomi, zuwa ire-iren abinci da kuma tufafi, kai har da ma sigar gine-gine. A duk lokacin da Bahaushe ya ci karo da wani abu sabo, dan-da-nan yake karbarsa, in har ya yi daidai da abin da saba da shi. Idan kuwa bai daidata sahu da rayuwarsa ba, to bijire masa yake yi, komai kyaun sa. A bisa wannan tarihi na Bahaushe, babu wanda ya fi Bahaushe karbar zamani.
Ta wannan hanyar, da yawa daga cikin abubuwan da muke amfani da su, wadanda ake ganin kamar aro ne, duk na sarrafa dabi’a ne, kuma da yawa na aron ne. Misali, Bahaushe bai san ya yi gini da kusurwa hudu ba, sai da ya hadu da Larabawa. Kafin wannan lokacin Bahaushe bai san tubali ba, a wajen Larabawan ya gani. Amma ya karbi gini da tubali, daga baya da sauyin zamani ya zo, ya ke amfani da bulo, da farko da na kasa, daga baya ya koma na siminti. Wannan canjin yana nuna canjin dabi’ar Bahause ta gini, wanda dama da aro ya fara shi.
Haka kafin haduwar Bahaushe da Larabawa, abincinsa kusan kayyadadde ne – dambu, tuwo, zogale, dan wake, da sauransu. Haduwa da Larabawa ya canza dabi’ar cin abinsa ya fara cin gurasa, alkubus, algaragis, da sauransu. Yau in ya ce ya daina cin dambu – ra’ayi ne, ba Hausanci ba, domin takan yiwu a haifi Bahaushe a kasar da babu dambu ko kuma kayan sarrafa shi, kamar a ce Australiya – shike nan kuma sai a ce ba Bahaushe bane don ba ya cin dambu?
Sannan kuma babban abin da ya kawo ake ganin kamar ma babu wata kabila Hausawa, kuma Hausanci ai yarene, ba wani abu bane illa ganin yadda tabbas kam Bahaushe na da saurin aron abubuwa. Kusan duk abin da aka ga Bahaushe ya ara, to yayi ne a matsayin makami domin hulda da wadanda ya ara daga wajensu; kuma in abin bai yi masa ba, zubar da shi zai yi; in kuma ya yi masa, zai narkar da shi ya zama nasa, ta yadda ko shi kansa wanda ya bawa Bahaushe aron abin, ba zai iya gane shi ba. Amma duk abin da ya ara, abin sarrafawa ne – daga tufafi, zuwa dabarun dafa abinci, zuwa ire-iren abinci, kuma zuwa kalmomi. Duk wadannan an aro su, ana kuma amfani da su, kuma in basu dace da al’ada ba, to zubar da su ake yi ta yin Allah-wadai da su.
Babu inda Bahause ya nuna gwanintarsa ta aron abubuwa suka zama masarrafai gare shi kamar harshe. Bincike ya nuna cewa har ya zuwa 1960 kusan kashi 20 daga 100 na kalmomin Hausa da Fulanci daga Larabci suke.[8] Sannan kuma daga 1960 zuwa yanzu, an samu karin wadansu kalmomin da Bahaushe ya ara a cikin Larabci yadda abin zai kai kusan kashi 40 ko fiye daga cikin dari daga kalmomin da aka ara.
Sannan sauran yararraki sun shigo cikin Hausa sosai ta yadda Bahaushe ya ari abubuwansu ya mayar nasa. Amma kusan duk abin da aka ga Bahaushe ya ara, to kamar yadda na ce, abin sarrafawa ne, ba tsarin mu’amala ba. Misalai daga cikin yararrakin da Bahaushe ya ci karo da su, sannan kuma ya ari kalmominsu sun hada da Azbinanci, Fullatanci, Barbanci, da Nufanci. Ga jadawalin da ya nuna misalai daga cikin wadannan are-aren kalmomin daga wadansu yararrakin cikin Hausa:
Jadawali na 1: Are-Aren Kalmomi a Cikin Hausa[9]
Azbinanci Fullatanci
Ayaran ayari Allah seini alasaini (pl)
takarde takarda All reini alaraini (pr)
takoba takobi Allah sabbi nane alasubbinani (h)
cokal cokali kindirmu kindirmo
kanwa kanwa bukkaro bukka
ejaq jaki burtol burtali
aurak auraki jalloru jallo
akala akala burugal burugali
azurf azurfa baff baffa
mamaki mamaki kawu kawu
ashiq ice goggo gwaggo
tindi turmi ndottijo dattijo
sabro sauro ndottaku dattaku
teku teku mura mura
Barbanci Yarbanci Nufanci
kasugu / kasuwa paki / Kwaki gulu / ungulu
tubo / turba pano / kwano gbamgba / agwagwa
sango / sango agogo / agogo kplaba / kwalba
fure / fure apoti / akwati iyelye / alele
tambari / tambari gele / gyale bente / bante
algaita / algaita fshana / ashana ganga / ganga
ganga / ganga dokita / likita
birni / birni patapata / kwata-kwata
goyi / gwani pali / kwali
yarima / yarima gangan / ganga
Shi kansa Turanci da ake ganin kamar yaren wadansu kebabbu ne, bai samu ci gaba ba sai da ya ari kalmomi da yawa daga cikin yaren al’ummatan da Turawa suke hulda da su; domin Turawa, kamar Hausawa, ba zaune suke ba, a kwai su da yawo da kuma karbar sabon abu. Misali daga cikin al’ummatan da Turawa suka ari kalmominsu domin gina Turanci na jadawali na kasa.
Jadawali na 2: Are-Aren Cikin Turanci
Turkish Egypt Arab Indian
Mammoth Pharaoh Alcohol Bungalow
Turkey Gum Hazard Dam (n)
Vampire Ebony Cable
Coach Oasis Sugar Malaysian
Kiosk Ivory Racket Amok
Girl Ammonia Mattress Ketchup
Beer Embark Magazine Launch
Book Algebra Gong
King Alcove
Saboda haka ashe aro ba wani bakon abu ne a cikin dabi’ar Bahaushe, kuma tunda aron da yake yi yana tafiya da yadda ya samu kansa, dole a yarda Bahaushe na tafiya da zamani, ba wai bagidaje ne ba. Misali, cin abinci da hannun hagu da cokali mai yatsu, dabi’ar Banasare ce. Cin abinci da tsinkaye guda biyu dabi’ar Canis ce. Duk wadannan da kyar zaka raba su da wadannan dabi’un. Amma zaman Bahaushe a Hon Kon zai iya sa ya ari dabi’ar cin abinci da tsinkaye, domin yana ganin zai iya, ko kuma yana sha’awa. Wannan ba zai sa ya zama Canis ba, amma za a iya cewa ya bar tasa dabi’ar (ta cin abinci da hannu, domin ko cin abinci da cokali ma ba dabi’ar Bahaushe ba ne, don cokalin aro shi ya yi daga wajen Azbinawa), ya ari ta Canis, domin a wannan aron, babu yadda zai nasabanta shi da rayuwarsa. Amma kuma a wani misalin, babbar riga ba tufafin Bahaushe bane, amma yanzu babu Bahaushen da zai yarda babbar riga ba tasa ba ce saboda yadda ta dace da tsarin dabi’ar rayuwarsa.
Tada ko Gargajiya da Zamanancin Bahaushe
Tada, gargajiya, ko kuma customs and practices, tsare-tsaren rayuwar Bahaushe ne da ya gada kaka da kakanni. Da Musulunci ya zo, sai ya kawar da wadansu, kamar tsafi da bautar gumaka, da shan giya da zina, da sauransu, ya kuma kyale wadansu domin basu yi karo da addini ba, kamar tsare-tsaren haihuwa da sauran bukukuwan da suka hada da haihuwa. Duk da cewa rayuwa wacce aka gada shekara da shekaru, ba dole ne mutum ya yarda da ita ba, domin akwai ra’ayi a wajen inganta tada. Misali, matan Turawa basa wankan jego. Wannan sai matan Hausawa. Amma shi ma yanayi ne da kuma ra’ayi. Bahaushiyar da ke zaune a Ingila ba zata yi wankan jego ba, domin yin haka zai keta ka’idar kiwon lafiyar dan Adam a kasar. Saboda haka idan wannan Bahaushiyar ta ce ba za ta yi wankan jego ba, ba wai ta yar da tadar ta bane, kawai yanayin zamanta ba zai kyale ta ta ci gaba da wannan tadar bane. Sannan wadansu matan basu da karfin halin da zasu dinga shekawa kansu ruwan zafi, ko saboda rashin lafiya ba zasu iya wannan wankan jegon ba. Wannan ba zai fitar da su daga rukunin Hausawa ba, domin haka abin ya dauro musu.
Duk da haka, wadannan tadodin suma an yi musu kwaskwarima, tare da hadowa da na wadansu al’ummatan, a shigar da su cikin Hausa. Misali, matar da ta yi haihuwar fari tana zuwa gidansu ta ci gaba da wankan jego daga ranar suna ne. Amma Hausawa sun ari tadar Fulani ta wannan fannin na tafiya gida goyon ciki daga ciki na wata bakwai.
Yin haka ya yi daidai, domin abin duk za a ce kana da zabi a kai, ko dabi’a, ko tada, to kana da hakkin juya shi ta yadda zaka iya aiwatar da shi ta yadda kake so, ko da ya batar da surarsa ta ainihi, to dalilin yinsa na nan. Misali, kaurin jego na daga cikin tadodin Hausawa. A surarsa ta farko da kafuwan sa ake yi, a yi ganda, sannan a hada da kunun kanwa a aikawa makwabta da abokan arziki. Da tafiya ta yi tafiya, sai wannan ya canza, a ka koma yi da naman karamar dabba, daga baya a ka koma yi dabino da kuma alewa. Sigar ta canza, amma makasudin, ko kuma manufar yin kaurin, bata canza ba.
Saboda haka in akwai wata tada ta ta sabawa Musulunci, to wannan bai kamata a daukakata ba. In kuwa bata sabawa Musulunci ba, to in dai zata amfana jama’a ta ko samar da aiki, ko karfafa zumunci, a iya daukakata, ko da an canza mata siga. A wannan, tadodin Bahaushe sun hada da tsare-tsaren rayuwarsa daga haihuwa zuwa aure, zuwa mutuwa. Kowacce kabila a duniya tana da abin da ta tanada na sarrafa wadannan nau’o’in na rayuwa.
Al’ada da Hausanci
Saboda haka da yawa daga cikin karon da a ke yi na ma’anar al’ada, ana nufin ko dabi’a, ko kuma tada. Da yawa daga masu nazarin rayuwar Bahaushe suna musayan ma’anar al’ada da kuma tada ko kuma dabi’a. Domin tunatarwa, na fassara al’ada a matsayin sindarin mu’amalar mutum, ko kuma mores and mindsets, da Turanci.
Wannan sindarin mu’amalar shi kan fitar da abin da za kira mutumin kirki, wanda kuma halayyace, ko kuma tarbiyya. A takaice, al’ada hali ne, ba sarrafi ba. Wannan ma’aunin ya fito daga hannun masana da suka nazarci rayuwar Bahause a zamanin da ake ganin babu yawan cudanya tsakanin Hausawa da wadansu hanyoyin sadarwa da za ce sun zama rariyar daukan wadannan halayen. Kuma tun kafin zuwan Musulunci, Hausawa na da wadannan halayen – da Musulunci ya zo, ya inganta su ne.
A binciken da manazarta suka yi, an gano cewa al’adar Bahause, a bisa wannan ma’aunin na ma’anar al’ada, na tattare a sinadaran mu’ala guda 21. Wadannan sun hada da:
Hausanci Fulatanci (Pulaaku)
1. Adalci 1. Ne'ddaku (Jan Aji)
2. Amana 2. Daraja
3. Dattako 3. Ardungal (Shugabanci)
4. Gaskiya 4. Marugo Na'i (Mallakar Shanu)
5. Hakuri 5. Endam (Kirki)
6. Hankali
7. Hikima
8. Juriya da jarumta
9. Kama sana’a
10.Karamci
11. Kawaici
12. Kunya/Kara
13. Ladabi
14. Mua’amala
15. Mutumci
16. Rashin tsegumi
17. Rikon addini
18. Zumunta
Wadannan ba sune kadai ba. Dole za a iya samun wadansu sinadiran; amma dai a wadannan masana kamar su Kirk-Greene[10] da kuma Zarruk[11] suka gina sinadarin al’adar Bahaushe da kuma Bafillace, tunda yanzu an zama daya. Saboda da haka a wannan ma’auni na su, al’adar Bahaushe ita ce al’adar mutumin kirki a cikin al’ummar Hausawa. Takan yiwu sauran kabilun suma suna da ire-iren wadannan, amma abin da ya fi damun mu a nan, shine yadda rayuwar Hausawa take, domin da mutum ya yi abu zaka ji an kwabe shi ana cewa, “haba, sai kace ba Bahaushe ba?” Wannan ya nuna ashe akwai ma’aunin Hausanci, ba wai kawai a tada ko dabi’a ba.
In an lura duk wadannan sinadirayen sun dogara ne a zuciyar mutum, amma suna amfani da dabi’a domin a aiwatar da su – shi yasa a ke ganin dabi’a da al’ada kamar daya ne. Misali, mutumci ne mutum ya sa tufafi masu kyau. Amma a dabi’ance, zai iya sa tufafin da suka dace da yadda ya sami kansa. Amma kuma ko da a haka ne, saka tufafin zai dogara ga shekaranusa – wanda kuma an jawo dattaku ciki. Misali, idan mutum dan shekara 50 mai sha’awar kallon wasan kwallon kafa, ya saka wandon jins da T-shat ta wani dan bal, da kuma hula hana-sallah, to gani za a yi ya karya dokokin al’adar Bahause ta hanyar zubar da mutumcinsa, da kuma rashin nuna dattaku, duk da cewa babu wata illa ga kayan da ya sa, domin sun kare tsiracinsa, sun dace da sha’awarsa ta kallon bal, kuma duk da cewa a wata alkaryar ta Musulumi (misali, Masar), za a iya samun takwararsa ya saka wadannan kayan, kuma ya samu karbuwa.
Saboda haka al’adar Bahaushe ba wai gine-ginen da ko na zamani ba ne. Ba wai iya dafa wani abincin da ko na yanzu ba ne; ba kuma saka tufafin da ko na yanzu bane. Al’adar Bahaushe yanayin hali ne wanda ya fitar da shi dabam da sauran jama’a, ya zama duk inda yake yana wakilitar duk wani mutum da za a kira Bahaushe, kuma ta wani fannin, ko da Bamaguje ne. Misali, Bahaushen da ke zaune a Ingila ba dole ne ya sa manyan kaya irin wadanda zai sa a kasar Hausa ba. Amma yana da halayyar Bahaushen da komai jimawa a kasar da yayi, za a san lallai Bahaushe ne. Saboda haka don bai sa manyan kaya ba, wannan halin zaman wurin ne ya kama haka, amma sinadarin halayensa na Bahaushe suna tare da shi, sai dai ya bijire musu, ko kuma ya dakatar da su saboda wadansu dalilai.
Bari in ba da misalina na karshe wanda yake da dangantaka da dalilin taruwarmu a yau. Babu abin da aka fi yawan sakashi a cikin kwandon da ba nasa ba kamar rawa da waka. Kusan duk mai yin magana a kan rawa da waka zaka ji ya ce ai al’adar Bahaushe ce. Ina da ja a nan. Rawa da waka ba al’adar Bahaushe ba ce, domin ba ta zama tilas a kan kowanne Bahaushe ba, sabanin halayyar al’ada, wadanda suka wajaba a kan duk wanda ke da ikirarin shi Bahaushe ne.
Idan aka bi ma’aunin gwajin al’ada, to tabbas rawa da waka ba al’dar Bahaushe bane. Hasali ma dai yinsu na runa kusan rashin duk jerin ayoyin tarbiyyar da aka gina al’adar Bahaushe da su. Rawa da waka sana’a ne, saboda haka tadodi ne. Kuma ko a sana’ance, suna da da muhallinsu; ta wani fannin ma gadonsu ake yi, ba shigege ba. Bugu da kari a rayuwar Bahaushe, mawaka da makada an dauke su a matsayin maroka. Su kansu mawakan, kamar Sani Dan Indo, suna nuna cewa basa fatan ‘ya’yansu su gaje su a wannan sana’ar ta su, duk da sun yi kudi, kuma sun yi tashe a cikinta.[12] Ganin haka ne yasa a ke nisanta al’adar Bahaushe ta tarbiyya, da rawa da waka.[13]
A wannan ruwayar, rawa da waka ba su da matsayin rayuwar yau da kullum, kamar al’ada, saboda basu zama dole ba. Akwai rayuwar da za a iya yi babu rawa da waka, kuma a zauna lafiya, domin wani ma baya sonsu ko kadan. Amma babu yadda za a yi rayuwa babu, misali, ladabi, dattaku, karamci, amana, da sauransu. Ashe saboda haka rawa da waka tunda basu zama tilas a rayuwar Bahaushe ba, ba za a kirasu al’adar Bahaushe ba.
Saboda haka in ka nuna mutum ya shiga bala’i, sai ya bigire da rawa da waka, to wannan ya keta al’adar Bahaushe, domin a al’adance, zai yi tawakkali ne. Haka kuma komai farin cikin da zai samu ga mutum, ba za kaga yaje wajen mahaifiyarsa yana yi mata rawa da waka ba; zai durkusa ne ya sanar da ita abin da rayuwarsa ke ciki, in har ta kai sai ya fada mata. Kuma komai soyayyar da mutum yake yiwa matarsa, babu yadda zaka ce al’adar Bahaushe ce ya dinga rera mata waka, ko don wa’azi ko don nishadi. Ita kanta in ya fara ma zata dauka ko ya haukace ne!
Amma a tadance, lokacin biki, suna ko wani taro, in mutum yana so, zai iya tara makada da mawaka a cashe har gari ya waye. Wannan shi ya so. Amma a sigar zaman yau da kullum, ko su kansu da sana’arsu ce rawa da waka ba haka suke yinta ba, domin su ma ba al’adarsu ba ce.
Saboda haka daukaka al’adar Bahaushe, daukaka addinin Musulunci ne, domin al’adar Bahaushe gaba dayanta na cikin Musulunci.
Wakilcin Bahaushe a Hanyoyin Sadarwa na Zamani
Bari in rufe wannan dan gajeren jawabin nawa da waigen jigon wannan taron – wakilincin al’adun Hausawa da addini a Finafinan Hausa, ko da yake masana zasu yi magana a kan wannan nan ba da dadewa ba.
Fim wata hanya ce ta haskaka al’umma a da ko kuma a yanzu. Babban makasudin yin fim shine jawo hankalin jama’a ga wadansu abubuwa da ke gudana a rayuwar zahiri, da yin kalubale ga dorewar wadannan abubuwan. A takaice, idan mutum ya ce zai yi fim, yana da niyya ya wayar da kan jama ta yadda zai isar a sakonsa ta hanyar jawo hankalinsu ga lura da muhimancin sakonninsa. Wannan shine manufar yin fim daga wadanda suka kirkiro sana’ar, ba wai manufar fim daga yadda ‘yan sana’ar na kasar Hausa suka dauka ba – domin sau da yawa a cikin hira da ake yi da ‘yan san’ar finafinan Hausa sun ce ba don fadakarwa suke yin fim ba, sai don neman kudi.[14]
Wannan babu aibu, domin in dai za a bi inganttacciyar hanya a nemi kudi, yana da kyau. Amma babban sabani a nan shi ne makasudin neman kudin. Rini, misali, shi ma sana’a ce, kamar fim. Amma babu marinin da zai ce da kai yana rini ne domin ya wakilci Hausawa. Haka ma duk makeri, ko manomi, ko mai sayar da yaduka, da sauransu. Inda fim ya bambanta, kuma a ka saka ido a kai, shine ikirarin wakilcin rayuwar wadansu mutane da a ke yi ta hanyarsa. Idan da fim bai zamanto hanyar wakiltar Hausawa ba ne, to da babu wanda zai damu da sana’ar, kamar yadda a yanzu ba zaka taba jin an yi wata bita a kan sayar da tsire ba!
Tari da yawa in ana takaddama tsakanin jama’ar gari, manazarta da ‘yan fim, kowa maganar wakilcin al’adar Hausawa yake yi. Abin da ya kawo wannan kuwa saboda kowa na fassara al’ada yadda ya fahimce ta. Ina fata daga yau an sami wani abin kalubale a kan rabe-raben da ke tsakanin dabi’a, tada, da kuma al’ada.
Babban abin da ya jawo dalilin damuwa da wakilcin Bahaushe a sigar finafinan ba wani abu bane illa ganin cewa da harshen Hausa a ke wadannan finafinan. Yin amfani da harshen Hausa ya nunawa mai kallo cewa rayuwar Hausawa a ke haskakawa, kuma a ke wakilta. Ganin haka ya sa dole masu harshen su nuna damuwarsu in su a ganinsu ba a wakilce su daidai a wani fim ba. Tari da yawa kalubalen ba ya ga dabi’a, ko canja sigar tada; yana ga al’ada, wanda ya shafi tarbiyya. Ba za a samu ci gaba ba dole sai an zauna an yarda da ma’anar al’ada ta yadda kowa zai gamsu. Abin mamakin shine sauran al’ummatan da ke haskaka rayuwarsu ta hanyar fim, kamar Yarabawa da Ibo, basu da wannan takaddarmar; hasali ma yaba musu a ke yi a kan yadda kullum a finafinansu suke daukaka tadodinsu da al’adunsu.
Kamar yadda na ce, kalubalen ba ya ga canjin dabi’a ko tada. Idan mutum ya zauna a tebur ya ci abinci, ba wai ya bar rayuwar Bahaushe bane, shi kansa a zauna a gini mai kusurwa hudu ba na Bahaushe bane, ara ya yi daga wajen Larabawa. Idan Bahaushe ya ci cek a fim ba wai ya nuna Turanci ba ne, ai yana da gireba, wacce ita ma cek ce, amma daga wajen Larabawa ya aro, sai dai kawai a ce yin amfani da girebar ya fi a yi amfani da cek din, domin a inganta ita girebar, tun ma ba ga wadanda basu santa ba.
Idan an ce babban mutum a fim bai sa babbar riga ba, ai wannan ba aibu bane, ita kanta babbar rigar ba ta Bauhaushe ba ce, aro ta a ka yi daga wajen mutanen kasar da yanzu a ke kira Western Sahara (wani yanayi na Buzaye). Idan an ce Bahaushe na cin abinci da cokali, wannan ba wani abu bane; da da hannu yake cin abinci, da ya samu cokali daga wajen Azbinawa ya ga ya fi tsabta ya ci abinsa da wannan cokalin. Kazalika nuna mutane a manyan motoci ba wai nuna bijirewar Bahaushe bane – da jaki da mota duk daya ne a rayuwar Bahaushe domin duk abubuwar hawa ne da aka aro su, amfani da kowanne ya danganta ga tatttalin arzikin mutum.
Duk wadannan ba sune tushen kalubalen wakilcin al’adar Bahaushe ba. Bari mu ga wadansu misalan keta wakilcin al’adar Bahaushe bisa wannan ma’aunin. Misali, mutum ya mari sarikinsa. A wannan babu ladabi, biyayya, kara, karamci, dattaku, ko da kuwa shi sirikin shi ya jawo a mare shi. Keta al’ada ne ‘ya ta ce da mahaifinta, “kayi kukan jini ma”, saboda an nuna rashin ladabi. Keta al’ada ne a nuna mutum da iyayensa suna zaune duk a kujera, sabanin shi ya zauna a kasa, domin in ya yi sahu da su ba a lokacin sallah ba, to ya nuna rashin ladabin Bahaushe. Idan a ka nuna basarake da rawaninsa yana rawa a cikin mata, wannan ya keta al’adar Bahaushe, domin ya nuna wannan basaraken ya zubar da mutuncinsa, ko da yana haka a cikin gidansa tsakanin shi da matansa, wannan ba haka yake a cikin jama’ar da sarautarsa ke wakilta ba.
A wannan babu maganar wani zamani, ci gaba, rage duhun kai na Bahaushe da sauransu domin wai a canja al’adar Bahaushe a zamanantar da shi. Rashin nuna kyakkyawar tarbiyar basa daga cikin al’adar Bahaushe. Za a iya nuna rashin al’ada a gidan kara (wanda shine orijina na Bahaushe), sannan kuma a nuna tsabagen al’ada a katafaren gidan zamani. Saboda haka keta al’ada ko kuma nuna al’ada bai tsaya ga gine-gine, abinci, tufafi, motoci, kayan zamani da sauransu ba. Inganta sinadarin mu’amala na tarbiyya shine al’ada. In a fim a inganta wadannan, to an wakili Hausa da Musulunci. In kuwa ba a yi ta, to a wakilci Hausa da Musulunci ba. A wannan ne babban kalubalen ke gaban mu – yadda za a kiyaye al’adun da muke tinkaho da su a zamanance.
[1] H.A.S. Johnson, The Fulani Empire of Sokoto, London , 1967, p. 4-6. Sannan kuma a duba Abdullahi Mahdi, The Hausa Factor in West African History. ABU Press, 1978.
[2] Abdullahi Smith, “Some consideration relating to the formation of States in Hausa-land”. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria , Vol V No 1, December 1970, p. 331.
[3] G.R. Niven, A Short History of Nigeria . Longman , Nigeria , 1971, p. 39.
[4] H. R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs, London , Frank Cass, 1928, p. 95.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Neil S. Skinner, “The Origin of the name Hausa”, Africa , 1968,Vol XXXVII, No 3, p. 256.
[7] Muhammad Sani Ibrahim, Muhammad Sani Ibrahim, Dangantakar Al’ada da Addini: Tasirin Musulunci Kan Rayuwar Hausawa Ta Gargajya. M.A. Thesis, Department of Nigerian Languages, April 1982, p. 94.
[8] Aliyu Abubakar, Al Thakafatul Arabiyyati Fi Naijiriya: Min Aam 1750 ilaa 1960. Arabic Literature in Nigeria : From 1750 to 1960. PhD thesis, ABU Zaria, 1972. pp 371-469; wanda a ka sarrafa a mtsayin Aliyu Abubakar, The Arabic Culture in Nigeria, Beirut, Lebanon, AbdulHafiz Al-Bassid, 1972.
[9] Domin karin bayani, a duba Muhammad Sani Ibrahim, “Are-aren kalmomi cikin Hausa”, in Yahaya, I.Y. and Rufa’i, A. (eds) Studies in Hausa Language, Literature and Culture, The First Hausa International Conference. Center for the Study of Nigerian Languages, Bayero University , Kano , 1978, pp 94-116; Neil Skinner, “Loans in Hausa and Pre-Hausa: Some Etymologies” Berliner Afrikanistische Vortrage 21 (1980) 169-202; Joseph Greenberg, “Linguistic Evidence for the Influence of Kanuri on the Hausa”, Journal of African History 1:2 (1960).
[10] Kirk-Greene, A.H.M. Mutumin Kirki: The Concept of the Good Man in Hausa. The Third Annual Hans Wolff Memorial Lecture, prepared by the African Studies Program, Indian university, Bloomington, Indiana, 1974. The lecture itself was delivered on April 11 1973.
[11] Habib Alhassan, Usman Ibrahim Musa, Rabi’u Mohammed Zarruk, Zaman Hausawa. Kano , Islamic Publications Bureau, 1982, 1988.
[12] Duba hira da a ka yi da Sani Dan Indo, mai kidan kuntigi, a cikin, Annur, Vol 1, August 2001, shafi na 48.
[13] Don samun karin bayani a kan matsayin maroka a kasar Hausa kafin ‘yanci daga mulkin mallaka na Turawan Ingila, a dubi makalar M.G. Smith, “The Social Functions and Meaning of hausa Praise-Singing”, a Africa , Vol 27, 1957, shafuka na 26-44.
[14] Misali, a dubi hirar da a ka yi da Najja’atu Abubakar, ‘yar jihar Kogi, tauraruwar fim din Zabari, a mujallar FIM, Afrilu, 2005, shafi na 17, “ Neman kudi na zo, ba fadakarwa ba”.
Chairman, Center for Hausa Cultural Studies, Kano
Being a paper presented at one-day sensitization meeting of Hausa Motion Arts Stakeholders on Wakilcin Al’adu da Addini a Finafinan Hausa, held on Saturday 2nd April 2005 at the Murtala Muhammad Library, and organized by the Directorate of A Daidata Sahu, Kano
Gabatarwa
A duk fadin kasar nan, babu al’ummar da ta fi ta Hausawa samun kalubale a kan salsalarta da rayuwarta. Ba wani abu ne ya janyo haka ba illa albarkar da Allah Ya yi wa Hausa da Hausanci, ya zamanto ko kaka mutum wanda ba Bahaushe ne ba ya yi gogayya da Hausawa, ya iya Hausa, to shi kam zai dauki kansa ne a matsayin Bahaushe. Wannan ya saba da yadda shi Bahaushen ya kan dauki kansa, domin komai jimawar da ya yi a wani wuri, to shi har abada a matsayin Bahaushe zai dauki kansa, ba dan mazauna wurin ba. Abin da ya janyo haka kuwa shine ganin yadda kasar Hausa ta zama dadaddiyar cibiyar ciniki tsakanin bakaken fatan Afrika na Sudan da kuma Larabawa, wanda ya sa kasar Hausa ta zama wajen zaman mutane da kabilu da yawa domin cinikayya. Su kansu Hausawan ba mazauna waje daya bane; daga Kano zuwa Gwanja, zuwa Salo da Kamaru da Kwango, duk babu inda Hausawa basu ratsa sun kafa sansani ba. Amma tushen su kasar Hausa domin nan suke dawowa, komai dogon zangon su. A dawowar ne suka dawowa da sababban abubuwa na dabi’u da tadodin al’ummatan da suka hadu da su, suke narkar da wadannan su zama nasu, har ma ta kai a dinga kokwanton ko a kwai Bahaushe na asali.
Sannan kuma Hausa (yaren), Hausawa (masu yaren) da kuma Hausanci (akidar masu yaren) sun samu wani babban kalubale a wannan karni na 21 da muka shigo, ba don komai ba sai don ganin yadda igiyar sauyin halayen al’umma suka shafi gundarin rayuwar Bahaushe. Wannan igiyar kuwa ta taho ne da hanyoyin sadarwa na zamani wanda sukan kawo mana salo da yanayin rayuwar wadansu al’ummatai na duniya wadanda wani lokaci muka ga kamar akwai kamanceceniya a salon rayuwarsu da namu. A kokarin kwaikwayon wadannan al’ummatan ne ake samun babban kalubale a rayuwar Bahause ta zamani ta hanyar finafinai, domin wannan ita ce babbar hanyar da ake haskaka rayuwar al’ummatai kuma a`ke wakiltarsu.
Bugu da kari, nazarin Hausanci sai ya bambanata da nazarin rayuwar al’ummatai (Anthropology) ta yadda kusan kullum an fi karkata ga yaren Bahaushe, maimakon sauran fannonin na rayuwarsa. Sannan kuma ko a nazarin zamantakewarsa, an fi damuwa da haihuwa, rayuwa, mutuwa da bukukuwansa, watau tadodinsa, amma ba akidarsa, watau al’adarsa ba.
A wannan jagoran bayanin, zan yi kokarin in fayyace salsalar Bahaushe da kuma fito da gundarin akidarsa domin fahimtar yadda Bahause yake, da kuma yadda yakamata a wakilce shi ta kowacce hanya in ana son a yi masa adalci.
Bahaushe, Daga Ina Haka?
Babban abin da za a fara tambaya a nan shine, wai shin wanene Bahaushe? Wannan tambayar tana da ban mamaki domin ganin cewa babu wata kabila da ake tantamar salsalarta a Nijeriya. Misali, idan aka ce Yarabawa, an san wadanda a ke nufi. Amma da zarar ka ce Hausawa, sai a fara musu domin ana ganin yawan gaurayar al’ummatai, da kuma iya yaren Hausa na mutane da yawa ya sa bama za a iya cewa ga Bahaushe ba. Wannan tunani ya karfafu a bisa nazarin wani mai nazarin Harshe da ake kira Joseph Greenberg, wanda ya rasu a Amirka ranar 7 ga Mayu, 2001 yana dan shekara 85. A turbar nazarin da ya gina, Greenberg ya jagoranci ra’ayin cewa babu wata kabila Hausawa, domin su kansu Hausawan, a wajensu kalmar “Hausa” tana nufin yare – misali zaka ji mutum ya ce “bana jin Hausar wancan mutumin” – watau a nan, Hausa yare ce kenan.
Sannan kuma kusan kowannen Bahaushe zaka ji ya ce da kai ai shi ainihin iyayensa Fulani ne, Buzayene, Barebari ne, da dai sauransu. Amma kuma in ka tambaye shi ko yana jin wancan yaren na wadannan mutanen, sai ya ce da kai baya ji. Wannan shi ke dada dagula Hausa da Hausanci, a rasa ma wai shin wanene Bahaushen.
A wani hasashen an danganta samun kabilar Hausawa da auratayyar al’ummatai daga Afrika ta Arewa inda zaunannun wadannan wurare suka gauraya da buzaye, sannan aka samu Hausawa. Wannan kuwa ya faru ne a tsakanin 1050 da 1100.[1] Amma kuma wani manzarcin ya kalubalanci wannan hasahen inda ya ce babu wata tabbatacciyar hujja da ta nuna samun Hausawa bisa wannan auratayyar al’ummatan. A ganin wannan manazarcin, in an ce “Kasar Hausa” to ana nufin yankin da ake magana da yaren “Hausa”, ba wai wata kabila ba.[2] Sauran ra’ayin manazarta suma sun ginu ne a kan wannan ra’ayin. Ta haka, misali, Niven ya ce kalmar “Hausa” asalinta ta Buzaye ce, domin da wannan sunan suke kiran duk wanda ya fito daga arewancin kogin Kwara.[3] A wannan nazarin, Hausa kalma ce wadda Buzaye ke kiran duk bakar fatar da ke inda Larabawa ke kira Sudan . Abin mamaki, ita wannan kalmar ma tana nufin mutanen Abyssinia, watau Habasha, wanda wannan ya kawo hasashen cewa Hausawa daga Habasha suke; yanzu kam mun gane cewa kiran Hausawa da Hausa, da kuma kiran Habashawa da Hausa, duk aikin Buzaye ne.[4] Sannan kuma yin amfani da kalmar ma kaskanci ne na wariyar launin fatan da Buzaye ke yi wa duk wani baKi. Misali, tunda Hausa tana nufin Bahaushe da kuma Bahabashe, sai a ka samu wata danganta ta yadda a harshen Habashanci, “habshi” na nufin haushin kare. Saboda haka a wajen Buzayen wancan lokacin, duk wanda ke magana da wadannan yarurrikan to Bahabshi ko Bahaushe ne.[5] A takaice dai an daidata furucin Hausa da haushin kare, wanda kuma su Hausawa suna yin haka ga wadansu kabilun inda in mutum baya jin Hausa, sai su ce, “bagware ne”.
Skinner kuwa cewa yayi kalmar “Hausa” ta fito daga mutanen Songhai (inda Mali take yanzu) ne, domin sune suke kiran duk kauyukan da ke gabas da su hausa ko aussa, daga nan ne su “Hausawan” suka ari wannan kalmar suke kiran kansu da ita[6] – watau kafin wannan basu da wani suna da suke kiran kansu!
Sannan kuma manzartan tarihin kasashen Larabawa sun ziyarci kasar Hausa amma duk a rubutunsu, basu ambaci kalmar “Hausa ba” a matsayi sunan kabilun da suka hadu da su. Marubuta kamar su Leo Africanus wanda ya ziyarci kasar Hausa wajen karni daga 1513 zuwa 1515, bai ambaci mutanen da sunan Hausawa ba, sai dai ya ce “Mutanen Kano ”, “Mutanen Katsina”, da sauransu. Yarensu kuma sai ya ce suna magana da yaren “Mutanen Gobir”.
Wannan ya nuna cewa jimlar kalmar “Hausa” a matsayin nuni ga wata kabila sabon abu ne wanda bai wuce shekaru 400 ba. Amma kuma akwai daulolin Hausawa da masarautun Hausawa da ake magana da harshen Hausa fiye da shekaru 1000 da suka wuce. Idan haka ne, ashe Hausanci ba a yaren ya tsaya ba, akwai kabila wacce take da salsala. Makala suna “Hausawa” a matayin masu magana da yaren “Hausa” abu ne wanda wadansu suka yi wa Hausawan, amma basu Hausawan da kansu ba, kamar yadda Hausawa ke cewa da kabilar Igbo, “Inyamurai”, wanda kuma ba haka su Igbo suka kiran kansu ba.
Saboda haka ko da lokacin da Leo Africanus ya zo Kano , daular Kano ta yi fiye da shekaru 500 da kafuwa, kuma da Hausa ake tafiyar da ita. Ashe Hausanci ba yare ne ba, akwai kabila Hausa. A nan nafi karkata ga Muhammad Sani Ibrahim inda ya ce, Hausa suna ne da yake da ma’anar Harshe, da mutanen da suke magana da shi, da kuma kasar da ake magana da shi.[7]
Saboda haka sai mu koma tambayar farko, shin wanene Bahaushe? Amsar a nan ita ce duk wanda salsalarsa babu wani yaren iyaye sai Hausa, to shi ne Bahaushe. Idan a jerin iyaye da kakanni akwai wanda ba Bahaushe bane, to kai ma ba Bahaushe bane. Na aro wannan ma’aunin bisa cewa Hausanci kirar halitta ce, ba lafazi ba. Misali, a kasar Turawa, in a cikin iyaye da kakanninka akwai bakar fata, to ko kafi madara fari a matsayin bakar fata kake.
A wannan ma’aunin, babu maganar zama a wata al’umma da kuma sanin yarenta, domin ka zama dan wannan al’ummar (a nan, kabilar). Misali, duk iya larabcin bakar fatan da ya zauna a garin Maka, ba za a taba kiransa Balarabe ba, ba wai kawai don akwai banbancin tsakakin fatar Balarabe na aihini da bakar fata, ba, a’a, kawai ba Balarabe bane, kuma shi ma ya san haka. Haka duk iya Turancin bakar fata a Ingila ba za kira shi Ingilishi ba, sai dai dan kasar Ingila, domin Ingilishi (English) kabilace a Ingila tare da Sikotawa (Scottish), Irishawa (Irish) da kuma Welshawa (Welsh), kuma duk wadannan Turawa ne, farar fata; babu baki a cikinsu. Su kansu a Ingila din, zaka ji mutum na alfahari da kabilarsa – misali, duk da cewa shi fari ne, amma zai ce maka shi Ba’Irishe ne, ba Ingilishi ba. Saboda haka kamar Hausa, in ka ce English to ana nufin yaren da kuma Kabilar. Ta haka za a bambanta cewa “wannan mutumin British ne, amma fa dan kabilar Welshawa ne”
Bari in dawo gida. Idan, misali wani Bayarabe da matarsa suka bar kasar Yarabawa fiye da shekaru 100 da suka wuce, suka yada zango a wata unguwa a Kano suka yi zuri’a, to komai nisan zuri’ar da wadannan iyayen zuri’a, duk a Yarabawa suke. Halin zamantakewar su zai iya sa wadanda aka haifa daga baya basu ma san yaren iyayen nasu na asali ba, sai Hausa. Duk da haka, Yarabawa ne, domin salsalarsu ce. Idan dole sai an dangantasu da Hausa, to a iya kiransu abin da na kirkiro da Hausawan Zamantakewa. Amma ba Hausawa bane, domin Hausa ta wuce yare, kabila ce, tare da al’adunta na musamman, da kuma dabi’o’inta. Mutum zai iya rungumar wadannan domin ya zama Bahaushen Zamantakewa, amma ba zai zama Bahaushe ba, kamar yadda mutum zai iya karbar rayuwar Larabawa domin ya zama dan, misali, Dubai , amma ba zai taba zama Balarabe ba in ba shi ba ne.
Idan iyayen salsar sun ki su koyawa zuri’ar su yaren su domin suna son su bace su zama Hausawa (ko kuma mazaunan inda suka sami kansu), wannan ruwansu, amma wannan ba zai kankare musu Yarabancin ba. Mu danganta da cewa komai dadewar Bahaushe a Shagamu, ba zai taba tsammanin shi Bayarabe ne ba. Ta haka za a ga Hausawan Kamaru da Gana da Kwango, misali, wadansu basa jin Hausar sosai, ko kuma suna yin Hausar wata iri, amma kowanne daga cikinsu zai danganta salsalarsa da wani gari a kasar Hausa.
Wannan yana daga cikin ban mamakin albarkar da Allah ya yi wa Hausa da Hausawa – kullum wadanda ba Hausawa sai so suke a dauke su a matsayin Hausawa, duk da cewa suna da tasu kabilar – da akidodin – wacce ya kamata su daukaka.
Dabi’a, Tada (Gargajiya) da kuma Al’adar Bahaushe
Tari da yawa in an yi maganar “al’adar Bahaushe” ana maganar dabi’u da tadar Bahaushe ne. Babban abin da ke kawo wannan muhawar shine ganin yadda kusan duk nazarin da ake yi wa Hausawa, ana yi ne daga turbar harshe, ba daga turbar mu’amala da tarbiyya ba. Wannan ya saba da yadda manazartar rayuwar al’umma ke nazarin sauran al’ummatan. Kuma kasancewa masu nazarin Hausawa na farko-farko sun yi daga wannan kusurwar ta nazarin harshe, sai aka ci gaba da wannan turbar. Ina mai fatan bude wata hanyar nazarin rayuwar Bahause a bisa alkiblar nazarin rayuwar dan Adam ba kawai ta harshe ba.
Hanya ta farko ta barin waccan kusurwar nazarin ita ce bambanta dabi’ar Hausawa, tada (ko gargajiyar) Hausawa, da kuma al’adar Hausawa. Wadannan rukunayen rayuwa dole a bambantasu kamar yadda masu nazarin salsalar al’umma (Anthropologists) suke yi wa sauran al’ummatan. Domin a samu kyakkyawar fahimta, dabi’a dai ita ce, social behavior; tada ko gargajiya kuma, customs and traditions; sannan al’ada kuma mores and midsets.
A bisa wannan ma’unin, dabi’a tana nufin yanayin zaman mutum, tada da gargajiya kuma na nufin yanayin da aka gada kaka da kakanni, wanda zai iya bambanta da yanayin zaman mutum a yanzu, ko kuma halin da mutum ya samu kansa. Al’ada kuma tana nufin sinadarin mu’amalar mutum, ko kuma tarbiyyarsa. Al’ada a gaba take da dabi’a, kuma zata iya jagoranta. Idan an ce mutum ba shi da al’ada mai kyau, ana nufin bashi da tarbiyya mai kyau, domin al’adar ko tarbiyyar sune suke gina shi a kan fasalin mutumin kirki, ko kuma “dan asali”.
Za a iya aron dabi’a da ma gargajiya, amma ba za a iya aron al’ada ba, domin ita al’ada tana tattare da ruhin mai ita; bayan dabi’a kuwa ta kan canza bisa yadda yanayin zama yakama; kai har ma aron ta ake yi, amma ba za a taba aron al’ada ba. Saboda haka za iya aron abubuwan sarrafa dabi’a, a gyarasu, a canza su, in kuma an gaji da su a zubar da su. Amma ba a aron al’ada domin ita al’ada tana like ne da ruhin mai ita a matsayin sinadari.
A duk inda ake nazarin zamantakewar Bahaushe, dole sai ka ji ana ta cakuda wadanan rukunayen zaman mutum -- dabi’a, tada, da kuma al’ada. Wani lokaci in an ce al’ada, to ana nufin dabi’a; sannan kuma in an yi maganar dabi’a, saka ji lallai ba al’ada ake magana ba, ana maganar tada ne. Ya zama wajibi a bambanta kowanne da kawo bayanai da hujjoji domin su tallafawa bayanin.
Dabi’a da Zamanancin Bahaushe
Duk da na ganin kamar Bahaushe bagidaje ne, bana jin akwai kabilar da ta fi Bahaushe rungumar zamanin da ya sami kansa. Wannan ba zai zama abin mamaki ba domin kasar Hausa dadaddiyar matattara al’ummatai ce. Su kansu Hausawan ba mazauna ne ba, akwai su da yaron kasuwanci da fatauci. Ta haka sukan ci karo da abubuwa baki da yawa, daga yare da are-aren kalmomi, zuwa ire-iren abinci da kuma tufafi, kai har da ma sigar gine-gine. A duk lokacin da Bahaushe ya ci karo da wani abu sabo, dan-da-nan yake karbarsa, in har ya yi daidai da abin da saba da shi. Idan kuwa bai daidata sahu da rayuwarsa ba, to bijire masa yake yi, komai kyaun sa. A bisa wannan tarihi na Bahaushe, babu wanda ya fi Bahaushe karbar zamani.
Ta wannan hanyar, da yawa daga cikin abubuwan da muke amfani da su, wadanda ake ganin kamar aro ne, duk na sarrafa dabi’a ne, kuma da yawa na aron ne. Misali, Bahaushe bai san ya yi gini da kusurwa hudu ba, sai da ya hadu da Larabawa. Kafin wannan lokacin Bahaushe bai san tubali ba, a wajen Larabawan ya gani. Amma ya karbi gini da tubali, daga baya da sauyin zamani ya zo, ya ke amfani da bulo, da farko da na kasa, daga baya ya koma na siminti. Wannan canjin yana nuna canjin dabi’ar Bahause ta gini, wanda dama da aro ya fara shi.
Haka kafin haduwar Bahaushe da Larabawa, abincinsa kusan kayyadadde ne – dambu, tuwo, zogale, dan wake, da sauransu. Haduwa da Larabawa ya canza dabi’ar cin abinsa ya fara cin gurasa, alkubus, algaragis, da sauransu. Yau in ya ce ya daina cin dambu – ra’ayi ne, ba Hausanci ba, domin takan yiwu a haifi Bahaushe a kasar da babu dambu ko kuma kayan sarrafa shi, kamar a ce Australiya – shike nan kuma sai a ce ba Bahaushe bane don ba ya cin dambu?
Sannan kuma babban abin da ya kawo ake ganin kamar ma babu wata kabila Hausawa, kuma Hausanci ai yarene, ba wani abu bane illa ganin yadda tabbas kam Bahaushe na da saurin aron abubuwa. Kusan duk abin da aka ga Bahaushe ya ara, to yayi ne a matsayin makami domin hulda da wadanda ya ara daga wajensu; kuma in abin bai yi masa ba, zubar da shi zai yi; in kuma ya yi masa, zai narkar da shi ya zama nasa, ta yadda ko shi kansa wanda ya bawa Bahaushe aron abin, ba zai iya gane shi ba. Amma duk abin da ya ara, abin sarrafawa ne – daga tufafi, zuwa dabarun dafa abinci, zuwa ire-iren abinci, kuma zuwa kalmomi. Duk wadannan an aro su, ana kuma amfani da su, kuma in basu dace da al’ada ba, to zubar da su ake yi ta yin Allah-wadai da su.
Babu inda Bahause ya nuna gwanintarsa ta aron abubuwa suka zama masarrafai gare shi kamar harshe. Bincike ya nuna cewa har ya zuwa 1960 kusan kashi 20 daga 100 na kalmomin Hausa da Fulanci daga Larabci suke.[8] Sannan kuma daga 1960 zuwa yanzu, an samu karin wadansu kalmomin da Bahaushe ya ara a cikin Larabci yadda abin zai kai kusan kashi 40 ko fiye daga cikin dari daga kalmomin da aka ara.
Sannan sauran yararraki sun shigo cikin Hausa sosai ta yadda Bahaushe ya ari abubuwansu ya mayar nasa. Amma kusan duk abin da aka ga Bahaushe ya ara, to kamar yadda na ce, abin sarrafawa ne, ba tsarin mu’amala ba. Misalai daga cikin yararrakin da Bahaushe ya ci karo da su, sannan kuma ya ari kalmominsu sun hada da Azbinanci, Fullatanci, Barbanci, da Nufanci. Ga jadawalin da ya nuna misalai daga cikin wadannan are-aren kalmomin daga wadansu yararrakin cikin Hausa:
Jadawali na 1: Are-Aren Kalmomi a Cikin Hausa[9]
Azbinanci Fullatanci
Ayaran ayari Allah seini alasaini (pl)
takarde takarda All reini alaraini (pr)
takoba takobi Allah sabbi nane alasubbinani (h)
cokal cokali kindirmu kindirmo
kanwa kanwa bukkaro bukka
ejaq jaki burtol burtali
aurak auraki jalloru jallo
akala akala burugal burugali
azurf azurfa baff baffa
mamaki mamaki kawu kawu
ashiq ice goggo gwaggo
tindi turmi ndottijo dattijo
sabro sauro ndottaku dattaku
teku teku mura mura
Barbanci Yarbanci Nufanci
kasugu / kasuwa paki / Kwaki gulu / ungulu
tubo / turba pano / kwano gbamgba / agwagwa
sango / sango agogo / agogo kplaba / kwalba
fure / fure apoti / akwati iyelye / alele
tambari / tambari gele / gyale bente / bante
algaita / algaita fshana / ashana ganga / ganga
ganga / ganga dokita / likita
birni / birni patapata / kwata-kwata
goyi / gwani pali / kwali
yarima / yarima gangan / ganga
Shi kansa Turanci da ake ganin kamar yaren wadansu kebabbu ne, bai samu ci gaba ba sai da ya ari kalmomi da yawa daga cikin yaren al’ummatan da Turawa suke hulda da su; domin Turawa, kamar Hausawa, ba zaune suke ba, a kwai su da yawo da kuma karbar sabon abu. Misali daga cikin al’ummatan da Turawa suka ari kalmominsu domin gina Turanci na jadawali na kasa.
Jadawali na 2: Are-Aren Cikin Turanci
Turkish Egypt Arab Indian
Mammoth Pharaoh Alcohol Bungalow
Turkey Gum Hazard Dam (n)
Vampire Ebony Cable
Coach Oasis Sugar Malaysian
Kiosk Ivory Racket Amok
Girl Ammonia Mattress Ketchup
Beer Embark Magazine Launch
Book Algebra Gong
King Alcove
Saboda haka ashe aro ba wani bakon abu ne a cikin dabi’ar Bahaushe, kuma tunda aron da yake yi yana tafiya da yadda ya samu kansa, dole a yarda Bahaushe na tafiya da zamani, ba wai bagidaje ne ba. Misali, cin abinci da hannun hagu da cokali mai yatsu, dabi’ar Banasare ce. Cin abinci da tsinkaye guda biyu dabi’ar Canis ce. Duk wadannan da kyar zaka raba su da wadannan dabi’un. Amma zaman Bahaushe a Hon Kon zai iya sa ya ari dabi’ar cin abinci da tsinkaye, domin yana ganin zai iya, ko kuma yana sha’awa. Wannan ba zai sa ya zama Canis ba, amma za a iya cewa ya bar tasa dabi’ar (ta cin abinci da hannu, domin ko cin abinci da cokali ma ba dabi’ar Bahaushe ba ne, don cokalin aro shi ya yi daga wajen Azbinawa), ya ari ta Canis, domin a wannan aron, babu yadda zai nasabanta shi da rayuwarsa. Amma kuma a wani misalin, babbar riga ba tufafin Bahaushe bane, amma yanzu babu Bahaushen da zai yarda babbar riga ba tasa ba ce saboda yadda ta dace da tsarin dabi’ar rayuwarsa.
Tada ko Gargajiya da Zamanancin Bahaushe
Tada, gargajiya, ko kuma customs and practices, tsare-tsaren rayuwar Bahaushe ne da ya gada kaka da kakanni. Da Musulunci ya zo, sai ya kawar da wadansu, kamar tsafi da bautar gumaka, da shan giya da zina, da sauransu, ya kuma kyale wadansu domin basu yi karo da addini ba, kamar tsare-tsaren haihuwa da sauran bukukuwan da suka hada da haihuwa. Duk da cewa rayuwa wacce aka gada shekara da shekaru, ba dole ne mutum ya yarda da ita ba, domin akwai ra’ayi a wajen inganta tada. Misali, matan Turawa basa wankan jego. Wannan sai matan Hausawa. Amma shi ma yanayi ne da kuma ra’ayi. Bahaushiyar da ke zaune a Ingila ba zata yi wankan jego ba, domin yin haka zai keta ka’idar kiwon lafiyar dan Adam a kasar. Saboda haka idan wannan Bahaushiyar ta ce ba za ta yi wankan jego ba, ba wai ta yar da tadar ta bane, kawai yanayin zamanta ba zai kyale ta ta ci gaba da wannan tadar bane. Sannan wadansu matan basu da karfin halin da zasu dinga shekawa kansu ruwan zafi, ko saboda rashin lafiya ba zasu iya wannan wankan jegon ba. Wannan ba zai fitar da su daga rukunin Hausawa ba, domin haka abin ya dauro musu.
Duk da haka, wadannan tadodin suma an yi musu kwaskwarima, tare da hadowa da na wadansu al’ummatan, a shigar da su cikin Hausa. Misali, matar da ta yi haihuwar fari tana zuwa gidansu ta ci gaba da wankan jego daga ranar suna ne. Amma Hausawa sun ari tadar Fulani ta wannan fannin na tafiya gida goyon ciki daga ciki na wata bakwai.
Yin haka ya yi daidai, domin abin duk za a ce kana da zabi a kai, ko dabi’a, ko tada, to kana da hakkin juya shi ta yadda zaka iya aiwatar da shi ta yadda kake so, ko da ya batar da surarsa ta ainihi, to dalilin yinsa na nan. Misali, kaurin jego na daga cikin tadodin Hausawa. A surarsa ta farko da kafuwan sa ake yi, a yi ganda, sannan a hada da kunun kanwa a aikawa makwabta da abokan arziki. Da tafiya ta yi tafiya, sai wannan ya canza, a ka koma yi da naman karamar dabba, daga baya a ka koma yi dabino da kuma alewa. Sigar ta canza, amma makasudin, ko kuma manufar yin kaurin, bata canza ba.
Saboda haka in akwai wata tada ta ta sabawa Musulunci, to wannan bai kamata a daukakata ba. In kuwa bata sabawa Musulunci ba, to in dai zata amfana jama’a ta ko samar da aiki, ko karfafa zumunci, a iya daukakata, ko da an canza mata siga. A wannan, tadodin Bahaushe sun hada da tsare-tsaren rayuwarsa daga haihuwa zuwa aure, zuwa mutuwa. Kowacce kabila a duniya tana da abin da ta tanada na sarrafa wadannan nau’o’in na rayuwa.
Al’ada da Hausanci
Saboda haka da yawa daga cikin karon da a ke yi na ma’anar al’ada, ana nufin ko dabi’a, ko kuma tada. Da yawa daga masu nazarin rayuwar Bahaushe suna musayan ma’anar al’ada da kuma tada ko kuma dabi’a. Domin tunatarwa, na fassara al’ada a matsayin sindarin mu’amalar mutum, ko kuma mores and mindsets, da Turanci.
Wannan sindarin mu’amalar shi kan fitar da abin da za kira mutumin kirki, wanda kuma halayyace, ko kuma tarbiyya. A takaice, al’ada hali ne, ba sarrafi ba. Wannan ma’aunin ya fito daga hannun masana da suka nazarci rayuwar Bahause a zamanin da ake ganin babu yawan cudanya tsakanin Hausawa da wadansu hanyoyin sadarwa da za ce sun zama rariyar daukan wadannan halayen. Kuma tun kafin zuwan Musulunci, Hausawa na da wadannan halayen – da Musulunci ya zo, ya inganta su ne.
A binciken da manazarta suka yi, an gano cewa al’adar Bahause, a bisa wannan ma’aunin na ma’anar al’ada, na tattare a sinadaran mu’ala guda 21. Wadannan sun hada da:
Hausanci Fulatanci (Pulaaku)
1. Adalci 1. Ne'ddaku (Jan Aji)
2. Amana 2. Daraja
3. Dattako 3. Ardungal (Shugabanci)
4. Gaskiya 4. Marugo Na'i (Mallakar Shanu)
5. Hakuri 5. Endam (Kirki)
6. Hankali
7. Hikima
8. Juriya da jarumta
9. Kama sana’a
10.Karamci
11. Kawaici
12. Kunya/Kara
13. Ladabi
14. Mua’amala
15. Mutumci
16. Rashin tsegumi
17. Rikon addini
18. Zumunta
Wadannan ba sune kadai ba. Dole za a iya samun wadansu sinadiran; amma dai a wadannan masana kamar su Kirk-Greene[10] da kuma Zarruk[11] suka gina sinadarin al’adar Bahaushe da kuma Bafillace, tunda yanzu an zama daya. Saboda da haka a wannan ma’auni na su, al’adar Bahaushe ita ce al’adar mutumin kirki a cikin al’ummar Hausawa. Takan yiwu sauran kabilun suma suna da ire-iren wadannan, amma abin da ya fi damun mu a nan, shine yadda rayuwar Hausawa take, domin da mutum ya yi abu zaka ji an kwabe shi ana cewa, “haba, sai kace ba Bahaushe ba?” Wannan ya nuna ashe akwai ma’aunin Hausanci, ba wai kawai a tada ko dabi’a ba.
In an lura duk wadannan sinadirayen sun dogara ne a zuciyar mutum, amma suna amfani da dabi’a domin a aiwatar da su – shi yasa a ke ganin dabi’a da al’ada kamar daya ne. Misali, mutumci ne mutum ya sa tufafi masu kyau. Amma a dabi’ance, zai iya sa tufafin da suka dace da yadda ya sami kansa. Amma kuma ko da a haka ne, saka tufafin zai dogara ga shekaranusa – wanda kuma an jawo dattaku ciki. Misali, idan mutum dan shekara 50 mai sha’awar kallon wasan kwallon kafa, ya saka wandon jins da T-shat ta wani dan bal, da kuma hula hana-sallah, to gani za a yi ya karya dokokin al’adar Bahause ta hanyar zubar da mutumcinsa, da kuma rashin nuna dattaku, duk da cewa babu wata illa ga kayan da ya sa, domin sun kare tsiracinsa, sun dace da sha’awarsa ta kallon bal, kuma duk da cewa a wata alkaryar ta Musulumi (misali, Masar), za a iya samun takwararsa ya saka wadannan kayan, kuma ya samu karbuwa.
Saboda haka al’adar Bahaushe ba wai gine-ginen da ko na zamani ba ne. Ba wai iya dafa wani abincin da ko na yanzu ba ne; ba kuma saka tufafin da ko na yanzu bane. Al’adar Bahaushe yanayin hali ne wanda ya fitar da shi dabam da sauran jama’a, ya zama duk inda yake yana wakilitar duk wani mutum da za a kira Bahaushe, kuma ta wani fannin, ko da Bamaguje ne. Misali, Bahaushen da ke zaune a Ingila ba dole ne ya sa manyan kaya irin wadanda zai sa a kasar Hausa ba. Amma yana da halayyar Bahaushen da komai jimawa a kasar da yayi, za a san lallai Bahaushe ne. Saboda haka don bai sa manyan kaya ba, wannan halin zaman wurin ne ya kama haka, amma sinadarin halayensa na Bahaushe suna tare da shi, sai dai ya bijire musu, ko kuma ya dakatar da su saboda wadansu dalilai.
Bari in ba da misalina na karshe wanda yake da dangantaka da dalilin taruwarmu a yau. Babu abin da aka fi yawan sakashi a cikin kwandon da ba nasa ba kamar rawa da waka. Kusan duk mai yin magana a kan rawa da waka zaka ji ya ce ai al’adar Bahaushe ce. Ina da ja a nan. Rawa da waka ba al’adar Bahaushe ba ce, domin ba ta zama tilas a kan kowanne Bahaushe ba, sabanin halayyar al’ada, wadanda suka wajaba a kan duk wanda ke da ikirarin shi Bahaushe ne.
Idan aka bi ma’aunin gwajin al’ada, to tabbas rawa da waka ba al’dar Bahaushe bane. Hasali ma dai yinsu na runa kusan rashin duk jerin ayoyin tarbiyyar da aka gina al’adar Bahaushe da su. Rawa da waka sana’a ne, saboda haka tadodi ne. Kuma ko a sana’ance, suna da da muhallinsu; ta wani fannin ma gadonsu ake yi, ba shigege ba. Bugu da kari a rayuwar Bahaushe, mawaka da makada an dauke su a matsayin maroka. Su kansu mawakan, kamar Sani Dan Indo, suna nuna cewa basa fatan ‘ya’yansu su gaje su a wannan sana’ar ta su, duk da sun yi kudi, kuma sun yi tashe a cikinta.[12] Ganin haka ne yasa a ke nisanta al’adar Bahaushe ta tarbiyya, da rawa da waka.[13]
A wannan ruwayar, rawa da waka ba su da matsayin rayuwar yau da kullum, kamar al’ada, saboda basu zama dole ba. Akwai rayuwar da za a iya yi babu rawa da waka, kuma a zauna lafiya, domin wani ma baya sonsu ko kadan. Amma babu yadda za a yi rayuwa babu, misali, ladabi, dattaku, karamci, amana, da sauransu. Ashe saboda haka rawa da waka tunda basu zama tilas a rayuwar Bahaushe ba, ba za a kirasu al’adar Bahaushe ba.
Saboda haka in ka nuna mutum ya shiga bala’i, sai ya bigire da rawa da waka, to wannan ya keta al’adar Bahaushe, domin a al’adance, zai yi tawakkali ne. Haka kuma komai farin cikin da zai samu ga mutum, ba za kaga yaje wajen mahaifiyarsa yana yi mata rawa da waka ba; zai durkusa ne ya sanar da ita abin da rayuwarsa ke ciki, in har ta kai sai ya fada mata. Kuma komai soyayyar da mutum yake yiwa matarsa, babu yadda zaka ce al’adar Bahaushe ce ya dinga rera mata waka, ko don wa’azi ko don nishadi. Ita kanta in ya fara ma zata dauka ko ya haukace ne!
Amma a tadance, lokacin biki, suna ko wani taro, in mutum yana so, zai iya tara makada da mawaka a cashe har gari ya waye. Wannan shi ya so. Amma a sigar zaman yau da kullum, ko su kansu da sana’arsu ce rawa da waka ba haka suke yinta ba, domin su ma ba al’adarsu ba ce.
Saboda haka daukaka al’adar Bahaushe, daukaka addinin Musulunci ne, domin al’adar Bahaushe gaba dayanta na cikin Musulunci.
Wakilcin Bahaushe a Hanyoyin Sadarwa na Zamani
Bari in rufe wannan dan gajeren jawabin nawa da waigen jigon wannan taron – wakilincin al’adun Hausawa da addini a Finafinan Hausa, ko da yake masana zasu yi magana a kan wannan nan ba da dadewa ba.
Fim wata hanya ce ta haskaka al’umma a da ko kuma a yanzu. Babban makasudin yin fim shine jawo hankalin jama’a ga wadansu abubuwa da ke gudana a rayuwar zahiri, da yin kalubale ga dorewar wadannan abubuwan. A takaice, idan mutum ya ce zai yi fim, yana da niyya ya wayar da kan jama ta yadda zai isar a sakonsa ta hanyar jawo hankalinsu ga lura da muhimancin sakonninsa. Wannan shine manufar yin fim daga wadanda suka kirkiro sana’ar, ba wai manufar fim daga yadda ‘yan sana’ar na kasar Hausa suka dauka ba – domin sau da yawa a cikin hira da ake yi da ‘yan san’ar finafinan Hausa sun ce ba don fadakarwa suke yin fim ba, sai don neman kudi.[14]
Wannan babu aibu, domin in dai za a bi inganttacciyar hanya a nemi kudi, yana da kyau. Amma babban sabani a nan shi ne makasudin neman kudin. Rini, misali, shi ma sana’a ce, kamar fim. Amma babu marinin da zai ce da kai yana rini ne domin ya wakilci Hausawa. Haka ma duk makeri, ko manomi, ko mai sayar da yaduka, da sauransu. Inda fim ya bambanta, kuma a ka saka ido a kai, shine ikirarin wakilcin rayuwar wadansu mutane da a ke yi ta hanyarsa. Idan da fim bai zamanto hanyar wakiltar Hausawa ba ne, to da babu wanda zai damu da sana’ar, kamar yadda a yanzu ba zaka taba jin an yi wata bita a kan sayar da tsire ba!
Tari da yawa in ana takaddama tsakanin jama’ar gari, manazarta da ‘yan fim, kowa maganar wakilcin al’adar Hausawa yake yi. Abin da ya kawo wannan kuwa saboda kowa na fassara al’ada yadda ya fahimce ta. Ina fata daga yau an sami wani abin kalubale a kan rabe-raben da ke tsakanin dabi’a, tada, da kuma al’ada.
Babban abin da ya jawo dalilin damuwa da wakilcin Bahaushe a sigar finafinan ba wani abu bane illa ganin cewa da harshen Hausa a ke wadannan finafinan. Yin amfani da harshen Hausa ya nunawa mai kallo cewa rayuwar Hausawa a ke haskakawa, kuma a ke wakilta. Ganin haka ya sa dole masu harshen su nuna damuwarsu in su a ganinsu ba a wakilce su daidai a wani fim ba. Tari da yawa kalubalen ba ya ga dabi’a, ko canja sigar tada; yana ga al’ada, wanda ya shafi tarbiyya. Ba za a samu ci gaba ba dole sai an zauna an yarda da ma’anar al’ada ta yadda kowa zai gamsu. Abin mamakin shine sauran al’ummatan da ke haskaka rayuwarsu ta hanyar fim, kamar Yarabawa da Ibo, basu da wannan takaddarmar; hasali ma yaba musu a ke yi a kan yadda kullum a finafinansu suke daukaka tadodinsu da al’adunsu.
Kamar yadda na ce, kalubalen ba ya ga canjin dabi’a ko tada. Idan mutum ya zauna a tebur ya ci abinci, ba wai ya bar rayuwar Bahaushe bane, shi kansa a zauna a gini mai kusurwa hudu ba na Bahaushe bane, ara ya yi daga wajen Larabawa. Idan Bahaushe ya ci cek a fim ba wai ya nuna Turanci ba ne, ai yana da gireba, wacce ita ma cek ce, amma daga wajen Larabawa ya aro, sai dai kawai a ce yin amfani da girebar ya fi a yi amfani da cek din, domin a inganta ita girebar, tun ma ba ga wadanda basu santa ba.
Idan an ce babban mutum a fim bai sa babbar riga ba, ai wannan ba aibu bane, ita kanta babbar rigar ba ta Bauhaushe ba ce, aro ta a ka yi daga wajen mutanen kasar da yanzu a ke kira Western Sahara (wani yanayi na Buzaye). Idan an ce Bahaushe na cin abinci da cokali, wannan ba wani abu bane; da da hannu yake cin abinci, da ya samu cokali daga wajen Azbinawa ya ga ya fi tsabta ya ci abinsa da wannan cokalin. Kazalika nuna mutane a manyan motoci ba wai nuna bijirewar Bahaushe bane – da jaki da mota duk daya ne a rayuwar Bahaushe domin duk abubuwar hawa ne da aka aro su, amfani da kowanne ya danganta ga tatttalin arzikin mutum.
Duk wadannan ba sune tushen kalubalen wakilcin al’adar Bahaushe ba. Bari mu ga wadansu misalan keta wakilcin al’adar Bahaushe bisa wannan ma’aunin. Misali, mutum ya mari sarikinsa. A wannan babu ladabi, biyayya, kara, karamci, dattaku, ko da kuwa shi sirikin shi ya jawo a mare shi. Keta al’ada ne ‘ya ta ce da mahaifinta, “kayi kukan jini ma”, saboda an nuna rashin ladabi. Keta al’ada ne a nuna mutum da iyayensa suna zaune duk a kujera, sabanin shi ya zauna a kasa, domin in ya yi sahu da su ba a lokacin sallah ba, to ya nuna rashin ladabin Bahaushe. Idan a ka nuna basarake da rawaninsa yana rawa a cikin mata, wannan ya keta al’adar Bahaushe, domin ya nuna wannan basaraken ya zubar da mutuncinsa, ko da yana haka a cikin gidansa tsakanin shi da matansa, wannan ba haka yake a cikin jama’ar da sarautarsa ke wakilta ba.
A wannan babu maganar wani zamani, ci gaba, rage duhun kai na Bahaushe da sauransu domin wai a canja al’adar Bahaushe a zamanantar da shi. Rashin nuna kyakkyawar tarbiyar basa daga cikin al’adar Bahaushe. Za a iya nuna rashin al’ada a gidan kara (wanda shine orijina na Bahaushe), sannan kuma a nuna tsabagen al’ada a katafaren gidan zamani. Saboda haka keta al’ada ko kuma nuna al’ada bai tsaya ga gine-gine, abinci, tufafi, motoci, kayan zamani da sauransu ba. Inganta sinadarin mu’amala na tarbiyya shine al’ada. In a fim a inganta wadannan, to an wakili Hausa da Musulunci. In kuwa ba a yi ta, to a wakilci Hausa da Musulunci ba. A wannan ne babban kalubalen ke gaban mu – yadda za a kiyaye al’adun da muke tinkaho da su a zamanance.
[1] H.A.S. Johnson, The Fulani Empire of Sokoto, London , 1967, p. 4-6. Sannan kuma a duba Abdullahi Mahdi, The Hausa Factor in West African History. ABU Press, 1978.
[2] Abdullahi Smith, “Some consideration relating to the formation of States in Hausa-land”. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria , Vol V No 1, December 1970, p. 331.
[3] G.R. Niven, A Short History of Nigeria . Longman , Nigeria , 1971, p. 39.
[4] H. R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs, London , Frank Cass, 1928, p. 95.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Neil S. Skinner, “The Origin of the name Hausa”, Africa , 1968,Vol XXXVII, No 3, p. 256.
[7] Muhammad Sani Ibrahim, Muhammad Sani Ibrahim, Dangantakar Al’ada da Addini: Tasirin Musulunci Kan Rayuwar Hausawa Ta Gargajya. M.A. Thesis, Department of Nigerian Languages, April 1982, p. 94.
[8] Aliyu Abubakar, Al Thakafatul Arabiyyati Fi Naijiriya: Min Aam 1750 ilaa 1960. Arabic Literature in Nigeria : From 1750 to 1960. PhD thesis, ABU Zaria, 1972. pp 371-469; wanda a ka sarrafa a mtsayin Aliyu Abubakar, The Arabic Culture in Nigeria, Beirut, Lebanon, AbdulHafiz Al-Bassid, 1972.
[9] Domin karin bayani, a duba Muhammad Sani Ibrahim, “Are-aren kalmomi cikin Hausa”, in Yahaya, I.Y. and Rufa’i, A. (eds) Studies in Hausa Language, Literature and Culture, The First Hausa International Conference. Center for the Study of Nigerian Languages, Bayero University , Kano , 1978, pp 94-116; Neil Skinner, “Loans in Hausa and Pre-Hausa: Some Etymologies” Berliner Afrikanistische Vortrage 21 (1980) 169-202; Joseph Greenberg, “Linguistic Evidence for the Influence of Kanuri on the Hausa”, Journal of African History 1:2 (1960).
[10] Kirk-Greene, A.H.M. Mutumin Kirki: The Concept of the Good Man in Hausa. The Third Annual Hans Wolff Memorial Lecture, prepared by the African Studies Program, Indian university, Bloomington, Indiana, 1974. The lecture itself was delivered on April 11 1973.
[11] Habib Alhassan, Usman Ibrahim Musa, Rabi’u Mohammed Zarruk, Zaman Hausawa. Kano , Islamic Publications Bureau, 1982, 1988.
[12] Duba hira da a ka yi da Sani Dan Indo, mai kidan kuntigi, a cikin, Annur, Vol 1, August 2001, shafi na 48.
[13] Don samun karin bayani a kan matsayin maroka a kasar Hausa kafin ‘yanci daga mulkin mallaka na Turawan Ingila, a dubi makalar M.G. Smith, “The Social Functions and Meaning of hausa Praise-Singing”, a Africa , Vol 27, 1957, shafuka na 26-44.
[14] Misali, a dubi hirar da a ka yi da Najja’atu Abubakar, ‘yar jihar Kogi, tauraruwar fim din Zabari, a mujallar FIM, Afrilu, 2005, shafi na 17, “ Neman kudi na zo, ba fadakarwa ba”.
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